GIFT  OF 


nalL^rJ  Jj^cuuyi^^  UjZOi. 


OUT  OF 
THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 


OUT  OF 
THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 


UTTERANCES  OF  GERMAN  RULERS, 
STATESMEN,  SAVANTS,  PUBLICISTS, 
JOURNALISTS,  POETS,  BUSINESS  MEN, 
PARTY  LEADERS  AND  50LDIERS 


/  begin  by  taking;  later  i  shall  find  pedants    L 
to  show  ibat  I  was  quite  within  my  tights. 

Frederic  ii  op  Prussia. 


t).  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK  LONDON 

1917 


Q> 


COPTBIQHT,  1917,  BT 

D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


The  war  was  begun  by  the  military  masters  of  Ger- ' 
many.  .  .  .  Their  purpose  has  long  been  avowed.  The 
statesmen  of  other  nations,  to  whom  that  purpose  was 
incredible,  paid  little  attention;  regarded  what  German 
professors  expounded  in  their  classrooms  and  German 
writers  set  forth  to  the  world  as  the  goal  of  German 
policy  as  rather  the  dream  of  minds  detached  from  prac- 
tical affairs,  as  preposterous  private  conceptions  of  Ger- 
man destiny,  than  as  the  actual  plans  of  responsible  rul- 
ers; but  the  rulers  of  Germany  thetnselves  knew  all  the 
zvhile  what  concrete  plans,  what  well  advanced  intrigues 
lay  back  of  what  the  professors  and  the  writers  were  say- 
ing, and  were  glad  to  go  forward  unmolested.  .  .  . 

President  Wilson,  Flag-Day  Address, 
June  J4,  ipiy. 


365214 


PUBLISHERS'  PREFACE 

With  few  exceptions,  the  extracts  included  in  this 
collection  are  t^ken  directly  from  the  German.  Where 
standard  English  translations  are  cited,  the  passages 
selected  have  been  compared  with  the  original  texts  and, 
in  some  instances,  the  wording  has  been  changed  for  the 
sake  of  greater  fidelity. 

The  arrangement  is  based,  in  the  main,  on  that  of  a- 
similar  but  much  smaller  French  compilation,  "J^&^s  par 
eux-memes"  (Paris,  Berger-Levrault,  1916;  xii,  102  pp.)  ; 
and  this  has  been  found  useful  also  in  drawing  attention 
to  some  of  the  less  known  German  books  and  pamphlets 
published  before  the  German  World  War.  The  scope  of 
the  present  collection  is,  however,  much  broader.  The 
French  pamphlet,  for  example,  has  no  such  chapter  head- 
ings as  "Utterances  of  Captains  of  Industry  and  Com- 
merce" (chapter  vi),  "Utterances  of  Party  Leaders" 
(chapter  vii),  "Utterances  Regarding  America"  (chap- 
ter x),  or  "Reactions  and  Protests"  (chapter  xi).  Of  the 
material  presented  in  "Juges  par  eux-memes"  little  direct 
use  has  been  made.  In  a  few  cases  in  which  the  Ger- 
man texts  cited  are  not  at  present  accessible  in  New 
York,  passages  have  been  translated  from  the  French 
text.    In  every  such  case  the  source  is  indicated. 

Much  valuable  material  has  been  drawn  from  a  recent 
Swiss  compilation  by  S.  Grumbach,  "Das  annexion- 
istische  Deutschland:  Eine  Sammlung  von  Dokumenten 
die  seit  dem  4  August  1914  in  Deutschland  offentlich 
Oder  geheim  verbreitet  wurden"  (Payot  &  Co.,  Lausanne, 
1917;    x,   471    pp.).     Of   the   annexationist   utterances 

vii 


PUBLISHER'S  PREFACE 

since  the  outbreak  of  the  War  that  are  cited  in  the 
present  collection,  nearly  all  are  directly  extracted  from, 
or  have  been  verified  by  comparison  with,  the  texts  given 
by  Mr.  Grumbach.  This  acknowledgment  covers  in  par- 
ticular the  second  section  of  chapter  iii,  the  third  section 
of  chapter  iv,  and  chapters  vi  and  vii.  Similar  acknowl- 
edgment is  due  as  regards  the  anti-annexationist  utter- 
ances cited  in  chapter  xi.  This  general  statement  must 
take  the  place  of  specific  references  to  Mr.  Grumbach's 
valuable  compilation,  except  where  use  has  been  made 
of  his  explanatory  notes.  In  such  cases  specific  refer- 
ences are  given. 

Since  the  Russian  Revolution,  and  in  consequence  of 
the  peace  program  favored  by  Socialist  groups  in  many 
countries — groups  which  seem  to  be  especially  influential 
in  the  new  Russia — ^the  question  of  "annexations  and 
indemnities"  (more  properly  the  question  of  conquests 
and  of  spoliations)  has  assumed  increasing  prominence. 
Evidence  of  widespread  German  lust  for  loot,  movable 
and  immovable,  and  for  monetary  ransom,  such  as  will 
be  found  abundantly  in  the  present  collection,  is,  there- 
fore, particularly  valuable  and  timely.  The  protests 
cited  in  chapter  xi  are  also  of  interest,  and  for  several 
reasons:  first,  because  they  give  comforting  assurance 
that  even  in  the  Germany  of  today  there  is  a  decent, 
sane  and — let  us  hope — saving  "remnant";  next,  because 
nearly  all  the  Germans  who  protest  against  German 
megalomania  and  greed  emphasize  the  general  prevalence 
of  the  notions  and  desires  which  they  combat;  last,  be- 
cause the  governmental  efforts  to  suppress  these  pro- 
tests indicate  more  clearly  than  any  direct  utterances  of 
rulers  or  of  statesmen  what  is  the  real  attitude  of  Im- 
perial Germany. 

A  study  of  this  annexationist  and  anti-annexationist 
literature  will  show  also  what  value  is  to  be  attached 
to  recent  German  official  disclaimers  of  desire  to  make 

viii 


PUBLISHER'S  PREFACE 

"annexations."  The  "guaranties  and  securities"  which 
the  German  Imperial  Government,  supported  by  a  domi- 
nant public  opinion,  still  demands  represent  elastic  claims 
concealed  under  a  phrase  that  is  equally  attractive  and 
vague.  This  phrase  has  been  used  from  the  beginning  of 
the  War  as  a  euphemism  for  annexations.  Rightly  inter- 
preted, it  has  satisfied  even  the  Pan-Germanist.  The 
reader  of  the  present  collection  v^ill  find  that  the  military 
and  economic  security  of  the  German  Empire  requires 
German  control  of  Belgium  and  of  the  northern  coast  of 
France  as  far  as  Boulogne.  It  requires  also  the  annexa- 
tion of  a  broad  strip  of  eastern  France,  including  the 
iron  ore  beds  west  of  Metz,  and  the  fortresses  of  Verdun 
and  Belfort.  According  to  some  writers — and  these  no 
obscure  fanatics — it  requires  the  annexation  of  Toulon 
and  the  suppression  of  the  French  war  navy.  In  the 
East  military  and  economic  security  requires  the  an- 
nexation of  even  greater  stretches  of  Russian  territory. 
The  military  and  economic  security  of  Germany  demands 
similar  security  for  Austria  and  for  Turkey,  and  an 
equally  thorough  reconstruction  of  the  map  of  southeast- 
ern Europe  and  of  southwestern  Asia.  The  political  se- 
curity of  Germany  requires  that  the  millions  of  Slavs, 
Belgians  and  Frenchmen  who  are  to  be  forced  under 
German  rule  shall  have  no  influence  upon  the  destinies  of 
the  German  Empire.  They  are  to  be  second-class  Ger- 
mans— subjects,  not  citizens  of  the  Empire.  Finally,  eco- 
nomic security  for  Germany,  in  the  judgment  of  captains 
of  industry  and  commerce  and  of  professors  of  political 
economy,  demands  not  only  political  control  of  wide  dis- 
tricts in  the  West  and  in  the  East,  but  also  the  expropria- 
tion and  deportation  of  Belgian,  French  and  Russian 
landholders,  and  particularly  the  transfer  of  mines  and  of 
industrial  plants  "from  hostile  to  German  hands."  This, 
as  is  said  in  the  sane  and  forcible  protest  of  the  Ger- 
man "New  Fatherland  Alliance"  (see  pages  228-233)  is 

ix 


PUBLISHER'S  PREFACE 

a  program  for  which  no  European  precedent  can  be 
found  since  the  migrations  of  the  nations  in  the  fifth 
and  following  centuries,  when  the  Teutonic  hordes  first 
overran  the  civilized  world.  These  are  the  demands 
not  of  unknown  paranoiacs  but  of  some  three  hundred 
and  fifty  professors,  supported  by  a  thousand  other  "in- 
tellectuals" (see  pp.  60-65)  and  of  six  of  the  most  im- 
portant industrial  associations  in  the  German  Empire 
(see  pp.  123-125). 

These  are  the  implications  of  the  German  Emperor's 
"guaranties  and  securities"  (see  p.  6). 


INTRODUCTION 


Those  who  are  not  with  us  are  against  us.  Never  be- 
fore in  human  history  has  the  choice  of  Man  and  Nation 
been  as  sharply  defined  as  it  is  today.  The  future  of 
mankind  depends  upon  this  choice.  There  have  been 
earlier  crises  out  of  which  human  fate  proceeded  in  new 
directions;  but  the  contestants  in  those  conflicts  under- 
stood only  obscurely,  if  at  all,  the  ultimate  stakes  for 
which  they  were  fighting.  We  can  plead  no  such  igno- 
rance.   We  know  the  issue,  and  whither  it  leads. 

Those  who  are  not  with  us  are  against  us.  On  which 
side  do  we  stand?  As  Americans,  we  assume  that  we 
stand  for  Civilization.  That  is  our  inheritance.  What 
do  we  mean  by  Civilization?  Surely  not  mere  comforts, 
astonishing  improvements  in  invention,  or  even  the  great 
discoveries  of  science  which  affect  only  the  body  and 
not  the  soul  of  man.  We  mean  the  recognition  of  Jus- 
tice, a  keener  sensitiveness  to  Mercy,  an  undying  devotion 
to  Liberty,  a  quickened  conscience  which  makes  us  shrink 
from  doing  unto  anyone  that  which  we  should  not  wish 
him  to  do  to  us.  These  are  the  ideals  of  Civilization  and 
this  is  the  spirit  in  which  alone  it  can  flourish.  Erudition, 
though  its  books  were  piled  higher  than  the  Tower  of 
Babel,  does  not  constitute  it;  nor  does  ability  to  make 
great  cannon,  or  chemicals,  or  military  engines;  much 
less  is  the  proof  of  Civilization  to  be  found  in  the  power . 
to  convert  millions  of  men  into  mere  machines,  unfree, 
shorn  of  humanizing  emotions,  abjectly  obedient  to  the 
will,  however  wicked,  of  the  despot  who  owns  them. 

xi 


INTRODUCTION 

If  at  the  beginning  of  the  Atrocious  War,  Civilization 
and  Barbarism  had  stood  embodied  in  forms  revealing 
the  very  nature  of  each,  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to 
which  we  would  have  chosen.  But  the  majority  of  man- 
kind lack  imagination — that  quality  which  penetrates  to 
the  heart  and  essence;  the  majority  live  only  on  the  sur- 
face, a  life  of  two  dimensions,  without  depth.  And  in 
this  case  many  influences  worked  deliberately  to  blur  or 
hide  the  nature  of  the  antagonists.  The  Prussian  agents 
over  here  and  our  native  apologists  for  Prussia  were 
greatly  helped  by  the  fact  that,  as  a  people,  we  are  not 
cruel  and  that  we  do  not  lie.  The  average  American 
had  never  dreamed  that  creatures  wearing  the  shape  of 
men  could  conceive,  much  less  commit,  such  horrors  and 
bestialities  as  were  devised  in  cold  blood  by  the  Ger- 
man General  Staff.  So  our  people  heard  with  mingled 
shock  and  incredulity  the  first  accounts  of  Hunnish 
atrocities.  It  took  a  long  time  and  repeated  abominations 
before  we  came  to  believe  the  truth. 

Meanwhile  the  German  propagandists  increased  doubt 
here  by  brazenly  declaring  that  the  stories  of  atrocities 
were  concocted  by  their  enemies;  and  when  this  impu- 
dence began  to  fail  them  they  proclaimed  that,  "After 
all,  war  is  war" ;  and  they  ransacked  history  for  instances 
of  cruelty  perpetrated  by  other  races,  including  ourselves, 
in  earlier  times.  In  mendacity,  too,  they  found  us  as 
easy  to  deceive  as  children  are  by  a  juggler's  tricks. 

Little  by  little,  however,  the  evidence  that  the  German 
policy  of  atrocity  was  premeditated  became  too  strong  to 
be  refuted  even  by  their  sly  disavowals.  We  were  forced 
to  realize  that  the  slaying  of  innocent  civilians,  the  rav- 
ishing of  women,  the  burning  of  towns,  the  bombard- 
ing of  libraries  and  cathedrals,  the  wholesale  massacres, 
the  starving,  enslaving  and  exile  of  entire  populations 
were  not  due  to  such  outbursts  of  bloody  passions  as  some- 
times blacken  warfare  in  civilized  countries,   but  were 

xii 


INTRODUCTION 

deliberately  ordered  and  carried  out  with  all  the  boasted 
thoroughness  of  the  German  General  Staff.  And  as  this 
awful  revelation  of  fiendishness  broke  upon  us,  we  began 
to  perceive  that  it  was  only  a  part,  the  necessary  product, 
of  a  system  for  conquering  the  world  and  reducing  it 
to  slavish  submission  to  the  House  of  Hohenzollern. 


II 

The  book  which  follows  gives  the  best  possible  state- 
ment of  the  principles  by  which  Prussian  monarchs  and 
ministers  were  governed,  of  the  World  Empire  which 
they  hoped  to  establish,  and  of  the  means  by  which  they 
expected  to  destroy  Civilization  and  to  set  up  in  its  place 
the  Dominion  of  the  Hun.  Observe  that  these  statements 
do  not  come  from  me  or  from  any  other  partisan  of 
Civilization,  but  from  the  Germans  themselves.  Truth  is 
revealed  not  only  in  wine,  but  in  those  expressions  which 
we  make  unconsciously,— in  grief,  in  anger,  in  exultation. 
So  when  you  find,  in  the  passages  which  follow,  the 
writer  exulting  over  a  policy  which  seems  to  you  to  be 
damnable,  you  can  be  sure  that  he  is  wearing  no  mask. 
The  same  is  true  when  he  lays  before  you,  and  gloats 
over  it,  a  scheme  of  perfidy;  or  when  he  exposes,  quite 
naively,  his  unbounded  self-conceit  and  the  vast  propor- 
tions of  the  national  swelled  head,  for  which  not  merely 
Germany  but  Europe  was  too  small,  and  only  the  world 
could  suffice. 

Considering  the  mass  of  testimony  which  had  been  ac- 
cumulating during  the  twenty-five  years  between  the  ac- 
cession of  William  II  and  his  launching  of  war  in  1914, 
considering  also  how  openly  the  Germans  talked  of  their 
"Destiny,"  their  superiority,  their  fitness  to  rule  the 
world,  it  is  surprising  how  blind  other  nations  and  we 
were.  We  wrapped  ourselves  in  incredulity.  We  took 
complacent  ease  in  the  thought  that  the  day  of  Napoleon 


INTRODUCTION 

and  Caesars  had  passed;  that  the  world  was  too  civilized 
to  indulge  in  great  wars  of  conquest;  that  commerce 
and  banking  and  Socialist  interactions,  not  to  mention  the 
unprecedented  growth  in  humane  standards  had  created 
an  interdependence  which  would  make  war,  not  merely 
improbable,  but  unthinkable.  We  saw,  indeed,  that  Wil- 
liam II  was  neither  a  Napoleon  nor  a  Caesar;  but  we  did 
not  sufficiently  allow  for  the  effect  of  the  inordinate 
ambition  and  monstrous  vanity  of  even  a  neurotic  mon- 
arch working  upon  a  people  like  the  German.  The  size 
of  the  fetish  never  measures  the  strength  of  the  tribe 
that  worships  it. 

The  War  for  World  Power  was  no  sudden  conception; 
but  only  after  the  victories  of  Prussia  fifty  years  ago  did 
it  become  the  definite  aim  of  the  military  Junker  ring. 
Having  beaten  Austria,  Prussia  dominated  the  German 
States,  whether  they  would  or  no;  and  by  defeating 
France,  she  united  Germany  as  an  Empire  in  which  she 
was  dominant.  During  the  next  twenty  years,  Bismarck, 
the  real  ruler  of  Germany,  dismissed  the  propagandists  of 
Pan-Germanism  as  half-baked  theorists.  He  declared 
that  Germany  was  "a  satisfied  nation."  He  planned  to 
keep  Germany  at  the  head  of  Europe,  but  not  to  destroy 
France,  England  or  Italy,  nor  to  cripple  Russia.  He 
took  little  interest  in  colonies,  nor  does  he  seem  to  have 
been  humbugged  by  the  plea  that  Germany  must  go  to 
war  in  order  to  win  a  place  in  the  sun.  He  knew  that 
Germans  had  migrated  to  all  parts  of  the  earth,  and  that 
in  each  place  they  were  prospering  by  their  thrift  and 
industry. 

William  II  became  Kaiser  on  June  15,  1888,  and  he 
soon  let  the  world  know  that  he  regarded  himself  as  a 
bigger  man  than  Old  Bismarck.  Having  dropped  Bis- 
marck, he  chose  as  advisers  mediocre  men — bureaucrats, 
militarists.  Junkers,  who,  with  captains  of  industry, 
shaped   the    policy   of   the   country   and    completed   the 

xiv 


INTRODUCTION 

Prussianization  of  the  non-Prussian  Germans.  Spurred 
on  one  side  by  an  unscrupulous  and  a  merciless  Militarist 
caste  and  on  the  other  by  an  equally  unscrupulous  and 
merciless  Capitalist  class — there  have  been  no  modern 
money-hunters  like  the  Germans — German  international 
policy  took  the  road  desired  by  the  Army  and  by  the 
Capitalists.  Both  classes  flattered  the  Kaiser  into  sup- 
posing that  he  originated  their  policies,  and  that  these 
were  essential  to  the  welfare  of  Germany — an  easy  task, 
for  he  was  a  megalomaniac  of  colossal  proportions. 

About  1895  the  dream  of  World  Dominion  solidified 
into  something  more  than  a  dream.  Officials  of  the 
Army,  Navy  and  State  Departments  began  to  formulate 
the  steps  required  to  attain  it.  France  and  Russia — the 
competing  Land  Powers — could  easily  be  smashed;  but 
England,  whose  Empire  stretched  round  the  earth,  could 
be  reached  and  overcome  only  on  the  sea.  So  Germany 
started  to  build  a  great  Navy,  and  the  Naval  officers  at 
their  mess  drank  regularly  their  toast  "Auf  den  Tag" — 
"To  the  Day"  when  they  should  be  strong  enough  to  meet 
the  hated  English,  but  for  whom  the  Germans  pleasantly 
assumed  they  would  already  be  supreme.  Now  Pan- 
Germanists,  official  and  unofficial,  raised  their  paean  to 
the  superiority  of  the  Germanic  race.  Historians  ex- 
pounded the  manifest  destiny  reserved  for  them.  Parsons 
bade  them  heed  the  word  of  God  and  slay  the  degenerate 
peoples.  A  mad  philosopher  glorified  the  Superman — a 
creature  whom  they  at  once  assumed  was  German.  Men 
of  science  found  a  warrant  in  biology  for  the  destruction 
of  the  weak  by  the  strong.  The  Kaiser  himself  spoke 
freely  of  his  partnership  with  ''der  alte  Gott" — a  connec- 
tion which  of  course  sealed  with  sanctity  the  Imperial 
utterances  and  designs. 

Everything  being  ready,  and  the  enemies  of  Germany 
being  reported  by  the  Kaiser's  spies  as  too  unprepared 
to  fight,  the  Prussian  Military  Ring  forced  the  War. 

XV 


INTRODUCTION 


III 


When  you  read  the  testimony  which  follows,  therefore, 
you  will  understand  that  the  War  was  the  culmination 
of  plans  extending  over  a  quarter  of  a  century — more 
than  that,  that  it  sprang  from  the  Prussian  nature,  which 
had  proclaimed  for  a  hundred  years  that  war  is  the  nor- 
mal state  of  nations.  You  will  see  that  the  horrors,  the 
hideous  cruelties,  the  diabolical  devastation,  were  not  ex- 
ceptional crimes,  but  carefully  worked  out  parts  of  the 
Prussian  military  system  in  action. 

There  is  a  beast  in  every  man.  Prussian  war  experts 
long  ago  made  it  their  duty  to  unchain  this  beast  and 
to  give  it  free  play  during  war.  They  discovered  how 
to  excite  its  fury,  and  how  to  train  that  fury  so  that  it 
should  be  damnably  efficient.  How  well  they  have  suc- 
ceeded Belgium  can  tell,  and  Serbia  and  Poland  and  Ar- 
menia, whose  two  million  and  a  half  of  dead  were  victims 
of  massacre  arranged  by  Prussians  and  carried  out  by 
Turks.  The  sinking  of  the  Lusitania,  and  of  hundreds  of 
other  merchant  ships — not  enemy  ships  only  but  also 
neutral  ships — the  execution  of  Edith  Cavell  and  of  Cap- 
tain Fryatt,  the  slaughter  of  hostages,  the  outrages  on 
women  and  girls  of  all  ages,  the  deportations,  the  starv- 
ing of  foreign  civilians  in  prison  pens,  the  sinking  of 
hospital  ships,  the  poisoning  of  wells,  the  shooting  of 
Red  Cross  ambulance  drivers  and  nurses — these  are  all 
deliberate  manifestations  of  the  Satanic  system  of  Cruelty 
which  the  Prussians  long  ago  adopted  as  the  guiding  prin- 
ciple of  their  war-making. 

Cruelty  has  been  an  attribute  of  the  Germans  since 
earliest  times.  The  Goths  and  Vandals  and  their  kin- 
dred barbarians  practiced  it  as  a  matter  of  course.  The 
Huns — the  spiritual  ancestors  of  the  Prussians — raised 
it  to  such  a  bad  eminence  that  for  fourteen  centuries 
they  stood  unchallenged  as  foremost  in  cruelty. 

xvi 


INTRODUCTION 

The  second  pillar  of  the  Prussian  system  is  Mendacity. 
Frederick  the  Great  gloried  in  his  use  of  it;  what  he 
wrote  about  it  might  form  a  Manual  of  Treachery.  Bis- 
marck was  an  expert  in  it.  What  can  be  expected  of  a 
nation  whose  national  heroes  are  Frederick,  who  held  no 
oath  sacred,  and  Bismarck,  who  doctored  the  Ems  dis- 
patch? Mendacity,  as  practiced  by  the  Prussians,  in- 
cludes hypocrisy,  downright  lies,  treachery,  and  the  de- 
basing spy-system  which  has  been  employed  since  1914  to 
undermine  the  United  States.  Deceit  belongs  properly 
to  the  savage,  and  we  need  not  wonder,  therefore,  that 
it  has  been  made  a  specialty  by  the  modern  Barbarians. 
President  Wilson,  whose  opportunities  for  knowing  de- 
tails have,  of  course,  surpassed  those  of  any  other  Amer- 
ican individual,  has  carefully  distinguished  between  the 
German  people  and  the  German  Imperial  Government. 
With  that  clue  we  can,  in  all  this  terrible  affair,  assign 
responsibility  for  the  wicked  plans  and  their  carrying 
out. 

What  I  may  call  official  German  collective  mendacity 
has  reached  its  climax  since  1896,  when  the  Germans 
began  secretly  to  plant  colonies  abroad;  taking  care  that 
the  new  immigrants  should  go  to  strengthen  German  in- 
fluence in  chosen  countries,  and  that  the  earlier  settlers 
should  be  won  back  by  blandishments  and  bribes  of  alle- 
giance to  German  Imperialism.  This  was  Prince  Billow's 
way  of  "redeeming"  German  emigrants.  No  American, 
with  our  experience  of  the  past  three  years  before  him, 
needs  to  be  told  the  abominable  methods  employed  or 
the  results  achieved. 

Cruelty  and  Mendacity!  These  two  words  sum  up 
military  Prussianism.  Humanity  means  the  victory  of 
human  qualities  and  ideals  over  those  of  the  beast.  Prus- 
sianism, in  exalting  Cruelty,  denies  Humanity  and  volun- 
tarily accepts  the  standards  of  the  Beast.  So  Prussianism 
is  an  outlaw  from  Humanity.    In  like  fashion,  by  practic- 

xvii 


*  INTRODUCTION 

ing  and  glorifying  Mendacity,  Prussianism  denies  the 
primal  trust  of  man  in  man,  of  tribe  in  tribe,  which  is 
the  cornerstone  of  Civilization.  Prussianism  flouts  the 
sanctity  of  treaties,  and  lafghs  tat  all  other  obligations 
which  might  check  or  hamper  it  ^and  thereby  it  denies  in- 
ternational faith,  and  makes*  itseff  an  outlaw  from  Civili- 
zation. ;  'y 

You  who  read  this  confe^ibfc-'of  such  ideals,  you  who 
remember  how  ruthlessly  they  ha.ve  been  put  into  practice, 
cannot  plead  ignorance  in  makii^  your  decisions  between 
Civilization  and  Prussianism.  Si  on  are  American;  can 
you  picture  Washington  or  Lindpln  as  supporting  any  of 
these  devilish  doctrines?  You  are  American,  and  in  the 
light  of  what  the  Teutons  have  done  and  still  hope  to 
do,  you  cannot  doubt  that  if  they  got  a  foothold  here  they 
would  shoot  down  you  and  your  friends  as  hostages, 
destroy  your  home  and  your  town,  outrage  your  wife  and 
daughters,  devastate  the  country,  and  try  to  terrorize  it 
into  submission.  They  would  have  no  more  respect  for 
Americans  than  they  have  had  for  Belgians  or  for 
French.  Like  the  wolves  and  the  hyenas  they  do  these 
things  because  it  is  their  nature  to  do  them.  Do  not 
allow  any  specious  argument  to  lure  you  to  the  side  of 
the  wolf  and  the  hyena. 

Those  who  are  not  with  us  are  against  us. 

William  Roscoe  Thayer. 

Cambridge, 
July  14,  1917. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I 

UTTERANCES  OF  RULERS 

Political  Philosophy  of  Frederic  II  (p.  i).  Justifi- 
cation of  the  Silesian  War.  "Scraps  of  pa- 
per." The  word  of  an  Emperor  (p.  2).  In- 
struments of  Providence.  The  sole  pillar  of  the 
realm  (p.  3).  Imperial  menaces  (p.  4).  Ger- 
many's destiny  as  a  World  Power  (p.  5).  De- 
mands for  annexations  (p.  6). 

CHAPTER  II 

UTTERANCES  OF  GERMAN  MINISTERS 
AND   CHANCELLORS 

I.      FROM   BISMARCK   TO    BETHMANN-HOLLWEG 

"Blood  and  iron."  The  "Editing"  of  the  Ems  Dis- 
patch (p.  8).  Why  Paris  should  not  be  de- 
stroyed. Countess  Bismarck's  hatred  of  the 
French*  (p.  14).  Bismarck's  regrets.  A  prom- 
ise, a  threat  and  a  prophecy  (p.  15).  Value  to 
Germany  of  the  neutralization  of  Luxemburg 
and  of  Belgium  (p.  16).  Cutting  off  sea  trade 
lawful  warfare.  Concerning  the  Polish  expro- 
priation laws   (p.  17).     The  invasion  of  Bel- 


CONTENTS 

gium  a  "wrong."  Germany  had  no  grievance 
against  Belgium  (p.  i8).  "Strategical  rea- 
sons" versus  "scraps  of  paper"  (p.  19).  A  re- 
traction retracted  (p.  21).  Threats  of  annexa- 
tion (p.  22). 

II,    Bismarck's  unheeded  warnings 

Against  German  Jingoes  (p.  25).  Against  support- 
ing Austria's  Eastern  ambitions  (p.  26). 
Against  war  with  Russia.  Against  attacking 
France  (p.  27).  Against  making  war  in  an- 
ticipation of  war  (p.  28).  Against  military 
domination  and  personal  autocracy  (p.  31). 


CHAPTER  III 

UTTERANCES  OF  PHILOSOPHERS,  HISTORIANS 
AND  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

I.      BEFORE   THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE   WORLD  WAR 

Nature  demands  discord  (p.  33).  German  and 
French  traits  (p.  34).  The  philosophy  of  war 
(p-  35)-  "Dictates  of  prudence"  (p.  37).  In- 
tervention. Treaties  (p.  38).  Little  States 
and  weak  peoples  (p.  39).  "Culture"  versus 
civilization.  The  State  is  power  (p.  41).  Ab- 
surdity of  little  States.  Destiny  of  little  States 
(p.  42).  Prussia  and  Germany.  Political  mo- 
rality (p.  43).  Value  of  treaties  (p.  44).  Ne- 
cessity and  sublimity  of  war  (p.  45).  Im- 
portance of  an  "irritable  sense  of  honor." 
World  power  (p.  46).  Confessions  (p.  47). 
Warnings?  (p.  48). 

XX 


[ 


CONTENTS 


II.      SINCE   THE    OUTBREAK    OF   THE    WORLD    WAR 

war  of  anticipation.  Stepping-stones  to  world 
power  (p.  48).  A  pax  Germcmica  (p.  51). 
Cultured  correspondence  (p.  52).  German 
plans  and  "atavistic  instincts"  (p.  54).  Europe 
under  German  hegemony  (p.  55).  Aggressive 
Belgium  (p.  56).  German  historical  claims 
in  the  Netherlands.  A  lawyer's  brief  for  Ger- 
many against  Belgium  (p.  57).  /The  duties  of 
the  chosen  people  (p.  59\.  An(iexationist  pe- 
tition of  352  professors  Vp.  60).  A  "decent 
form  of  death"  for  Belgium.  Land  wanted  for 
200,000,000  Germans.  What  Germans  need 
"belongs"  to  them  (p.  66).  "No  annexations, 
no  indemnities"  means  Germany's  defeat.  Gov- 
ernment of  new  "outer  territories"  (p.  67).  A 
pastor  on  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania.  Profes- 
sorial f rightfulness   (p.  68). 


CHAPTER  IV 

UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS,  MEN  OF 
LETTERS  AND  JOURNALISTS 

I.      BEFORE  THE  WORLD   WAR 

Superiority  and  mission  of  the  Teutons  (p.  69). 
Especial  superiority  of  the  Germans  (p.  71). 
Plans  of  expansion  in  Europe  (p.  72).  Phi- 
losophy of  expansion  (p.  74).  Christ  and  Dar- 
win (p.  75).  "Precautionary  war."  Forecasts 
of  the  German  World  War  (p.  y6).  Schemes 
of  World  Empire  (p.  78). 
xxi 


CONTENTS 

II.      WHEN    WAR    WAS    IN    SIGHT 

"A  golden  Teutonic  opportunity"  (p.  79).  A  war  of 
expansion.  Who  willed  the  war?  The  antici- 
pated fruits  of  victory  (p.  81). 

III.      SINCE  THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  WAR 

Grermany's  right  and  Germany's  aims  (p.  83).  Ger- 
many willed  the  war  (p.  85).  Germans  "no 
persecuted  innocents"  (p.  86).  "The  will  to. 
power."  "A  Holy  German  Empire"  (p.  87). 
"Kultur."  Retaliatory  lying.  Spirit  and  form 
of  German  Imperialism  (p.  88).  Germany's 
peculiar  qualification  for  World  Power  (p.  90). 
The  French  and  the  English  (p.  91).  German 
must  become  the  language  of  the  world.  How 
new  territories  may  be  Germanized  (p.  92). 
Moral  and  immoral  policies  of  power.  Im- 
perialism and  Socialism  (p.  93).  Chancellor 
Bethmann-Hollweg  interpreted  (p.  94).  Dr. 
Dernburg  disavowed  (p.  95).  Frederic's  "pe- 
dants" at  work  (p.  96).  Germany's  "needs"  in 
Europe  summarized  (p.  97).  Either  ransom 
or  loot.  Loot  already  under  cover  (p.  98). 
The  tender  mercies  of  terrorism  (p.  99).  "Bel- 
gium does  not  exist."  Germany  must  keep  her 
soldiers'  graves  (p.  100).  Germany  needs  Rus- 
sian soil  (p.  loi).  German  military  colonies. 
Proposed  frontiers  of  "Middle  Europe"  (p. 
102).  Organization  of  "Middle  Europe"  (p. 
105).  Outlines  of  the  German  World  Empire 
(p.  106).  Germany's  African  Empire  (p.  107). 
German  aims  in  China  (p.  109).  The  Achilles' 
heel  of  the  British  Empire  (p.  no).  The 
taking  of  London  (p.  112).  How  Germany  will 
xxii 


CONTENTS 

negotiate  peace.     The  severest  of  Germany's 
terms    (p.   113). 


CHAPTER  V 

UTTERANCES  OF  POETS 

The  Germans.  The  Prussians  (p.  114).  A  proph- 
ecy fulfilled.  A  prophecy  not  yet  fulfilled. 
Vierordt's  song  of  hate  (p.  115).  The  poet's 
reply  to  a  Swiss  critic  (p.  117).  Lissauer's 
song  of  hate  (p.  119).  Song  of  the  German 
sword  (p.  121). 


CHAPTER  VI 

UTTERANCES  OF  CAPTAINS  OF  INDUSTRY 
AND  COMMERCE  AND  OF  ECONOMISTS 

Annexationist  memorial  of  six  great  industrial  asso- 
ciations (p.  123).  Chambers  of  Commerce  for 
annexations.  Annexationist  desires  of  iron  and 
steel  manufacturers  (p.  126).  Rhenish  manu- 
facturers and  landowners  want  Belgium. 
Chemnitz  Unions  demand  annexations 
(p.  127).  World  plans  of  a  Saxon  manufac- 
turer (p.  128).  Calais  as  a  center  of  the  Ger- 
man lace  industry.  Exploitation  of  the  new; 
"Duchy  of  Belgium"  (p.  129).  "Raw  mate- 
rials for  war  industry"  (p.  131).  The  cure 
for  "land  shortage"  (p.  133).  "Pressure  to  the 
Ocean."  Naval  bases  (p.  134).  A  German 
settlement  in  South  China  (p.  136). 
xxiii 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VII 
UTTERANCES  OF  PARTY  LEADERS 

I.      PARTY    DECLARATIONS 

Annexationist  utterances  of  party  committees  (p. 
138).  Joint  declaration  favoring  annexations 
(p.  140). 

II.   UTTERANCES  OF  SINGLE  LEADERS 

"Mistakes  need  not  be  repeated"  (p.  140).  "Ger- 
man blood  manure"  not  to  be  wasted.  Why 
Belgians  should  desire  German  protection. 
Territorial  indemnities.  No  plebiscites 
(p.  141).  What  territories  Russia  must  cede 
(p.  142).  Channel  ports  required.  Annexa- 
tions West  and  East  (p.  143).  A  misinter- 
preted Imperial  utterance  (p.  144).  A  German 
protectorate  of  Belgium.  The  correct  idea  of 
"a  lasting  peace"  (p.  145).  A  peace  "made  in 
Germany."  "The  line  of  the  Naref"  (p.  146). 
The  German  nation's  divinely  appointed  goal. 
Strategic  demands.  "Ideals  kindle  no  enthusi- 
asm" (p.  147).  Practical  uses  of  history.  Beth- 
mann-Hollweg's  implications  (p.  148).  Land- 
marks must  be  removed  (p.  149). 

CHAPTER  VIII 
UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

I.      GLORIFICATION    OF    WAR 

"A^adiant  crown."    War  instituted  by  God  (p.  150). 
The  army  the  basis  of  civilization.     Biology, 
xxiv 


CONTENTS 

civilization,  idealism  and  Christianity  demand 
war  (p.  151).  The  diffusion  of  "culture"  by- 
war  (p.  152). 

II.      WAR,   LAW   AND   HUMANITY 

Laws  of  war  "hardly  worth  mentioning"'  (p.  153). 
"A  spirit  of  benevolence"  dangerous.  Errors 
of  the  seventeenth  century  (p.  154).  Reversion 
of  war  toward  "its  absolute  perfection." 
Military  necessity  versus  the  laws  of  war 
(p.  155).  War  must  be  conducted  much  more 
ruthlessly  (p.  157).  A  wide  field  for  "arbi- 
trary judgment"  (p.  158).  "Grow  hard,  war- 
riors!"    Application  of  the  Theory  (p.  159). 

III.      CONDUCT  OF  WAR 

Right  and  duty  of  aggression  (p.  160).  Objects  of 
invasion  (p.  161).  Terrorizing  occupied  terri- 
tories (p.  162).  Living  on  the  country  (p. 
163).  Military  requisitions:  theory  versus 
practice  (p.  164).  Drastic  methods  of  obtain- 
ing services  (p.  165).  Civilian  "hostages"  (p. 
166).  Devastation  of  abandoned  enemy  terri- 
tory (p.  167). 

IV.      WAR    FOR   CONQUEST 

Justification  of  conquest.  "World  power  or  down- 
fall" (p.  168).  Need  of  strengthening  Ger- 
many's European  position  (p.  169).  "France 
must  be  crushed."  A  Colonial  Empire  (p.  170). 
Two  Teutonic  Empires.  Annexations  in  the 
West  (p.  171).  Annexations  in  the  East  (p. 
172).  Transfer  of  populations  (p.  173).  Mili- 
tarist propaganda  for  annexations,  1917  (p. 
174). 

XXV 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  IX 

UTTERANCES    OF    COMMANDERS    AND 
SOLDIERS  IN  THE  FIELD 

I.      MILITARY   PROCLAMATIONS 

Terrorism  by  indiscriminate  punishment  (p.  176). 
Constructive  "espionage"  (p.  178).  Collection 
of  contributions  and  indemnities  (p.  180). 
Maintaining  "tranquillity."  Hostages  (p.  181). 
Instruction  in  deportment.  Deportation  or- 
ders (p.  184).    Order  to  kill  prisoners  (p.  186). 

II.      SOLDIERS*  DIARIES  AND  LETTERS 

Slaughterings  and  burnings  (p.  187).  Civilians  as- 
fire  screens  (p.  190).  "A  day  of  honor  for 
our  regiment"  (p.  191).  "Something  in  what  is 
said  about  German  barbarians."  More  slaugh- 
terings and  burnings  (p.  193).  No  quarter  to 
Turcos  nor  to  English  (p.  194).  Orders  to  kill 
wounded  enemies.  Priests  and  women  (p. 
195).    Devastation  (p.  196). 

CHAPTER  X 
UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

I.      LATIN  AMERICA 

German  emigrants  and  German  exports  (p.  197). 
How  to  extend  German  influence  in  Brazil 
(p.  200).  German  penetration  of  Rio  Grande 
do  Sul.  German  culture  in  Latin  America  (p. 
201).  Bright  German  spots  in  a  dark  picture 
(p.  203).  German  rule  will  be  a  blessing.  Ini- 
xxvi 


CONTENTS 

iial  control  through  treaties  (p.  204).  Map  of 
Latin  America,  1950  (p.  205).  Teutonization 
of  Latin  America.  Germans  take  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  too  seriously  (p.  206).  A  disclaimer 
and  a  confession.  Hopes  deferred,  not  aban- 
doned (p.  207). 

II.      THE    UNITED    STATES 

The  outlook  for  American  civilization  (p.  208). 
Irish  rabbits.  Lost  Germans  (p.  209).  Uses 
of  the  German  and  Irish  elements.  A  plan 
to  invade  the  United  States  (p.  210).  A  claim 
for  indemnity  (p.  215).  Proposed  coalition 
against  the  United  States  (p.  216). 


CHAPTER  XI 
REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

I.      SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC  PROTESTS  AND  WARNINGS 

Danger  in  victory.  "This  is  not  a  defensive  war" 
(p.  218).  A  war  for  world  dominion.  "An 
imperialistic  war  of  conquest"  (p.  220).  Obli- 
gations of  honor  as  regards  Belgium  (p.  221). 
Protest  against  the  annexationist  propaganda 
(p.  222).  Annexationist  agitation  officially 
promoted  (p.  223).  The  Chancellor's  military 
aims  (p.  224).  "A  gang  of  robbers"  (p.  225). 
Why  Socialist  journals  rarely  protest  (p.  226). 

II.      PROTESTS  OF  ASSOCIATIONS 

Petition  of  the  "New  Fatherland  Alliance"  (p.  12^^, 
Protest  of  the  German  Peace  Society  (p.  232). 
xxvii 


CONTENTS 

III.      INDIVIDUAL   PROTESTS   AND  REACTIONS 

Imperialism  akin  to  megalomania  (p.  233).  Pan- 
Germanist  responsibility  (p.  235).  Germany's 
future  (p.  236).  Germany  must  not  follow  the 
Napoleonic  road  (p.  237).  Annexations  would 
ruin  the  nation  (p.  238).  The  indictment 
against  Germany  (p.  239).  Responsibility  of 
the  German  Government  (p.  241).  Testimony 
in  favor  of  the  Belgians  (p.  242).  A  discour- 
aged Dernburg  (p.  243).  "A  softened  Harden" 
(p.  244).  Germany  an  obstacle  to  freedom 
(p.  245). 


APPENDIX 
"SCRAPS  OF  PAPER" 

I.      TREATIES    BETWEEN    PRUSSIA    AND    THE    UNITED 

STATES 

Treaty  of   1785.     Treaty   of    1799    (p.   247). 
Treaty  of  1828  (p.  248). 

II.      TREATIES    NEUTRALIZING    BELGIUM    AND   LUXEM- 
BURG 

Treaty  of  London,  November  15,  183 1.  Treaty 
of  London,  May  11,  1867  (p.  249). 

III.      CONVENTIONS   RESPECTING   WAR   ON    LAND 

The  Hague  Conventions  of  1899  and  1907  (p. 
250).  Regulations  respecting  the  Laws  and 
Customs  of  War  on  Land  (p.  251). 


OUT  OF 
THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

CHAPTER  I 
UTTERANCES   OF   RULERS 

Political  philosophy  of  Frederic  II 

If  there  is  anything  to  be  gained  by  it,  we  will  be    ^ 
honest;  if  deception  is  necessary,  let  us  be  cheats. 
Frederic  II,  Letter  to  Minister  Radziwill. 

Do  not  be  ashamed  to  make  alliances  with  a  view  ^ 
to  gaining  advantage  from  them  for  yourself  only. 

Do  not  commit  the  gross  blunder  of  not  aban- 
doning them  when  it  suits  your  interest. 

One  takes  when  one  can,  and  one  is  wrong  only 
when  obliged  to  give  back. 

I  understand  by  the  word  "policy"  that  one  must 
make  it  his  study  to  deceive  others;  that  is  the 
way  to  get  the  better  of  them. 

Works  of  Frederic  II.     BerHn  edition   (1848). 

No  ministers  at  home,  but  clerks.  No  ministers 
abroad,  but  spies. 

Form  alliances  only  in  order  to  sow  animosities. 
Kindle  and  prolong  war  between  my  neighbors. 
Always  promise  help  and  never  send  it. 

I 


y 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

\         There  is  only  one  person  in  the  kingdom,  that 
is  myself. 

Marginal  notes  in  a  copy  of  Tacitus,  written  by  the 
King  and  cited  by  Diderot. 


Justification  of  the  Silesian  War 

3  The  matter  of  right  is  the  business  of  the  min- 
isters, it  is  your  business.  It  is  time  to  work  it 
up  in  secret,  for  the  troops  have  received  their 
orders. 

Frederic  II,  to  Minister  Radziwill,  November  7,  1740. 

"Scraps  of  paper" 

All  written  constitutions  are  only  scraps  of 
paper. 

Frederic  William  IV,  Speech  from  the  Throne,  April 
II,  1847. 

The  word  of  an  Emperor 

In  October,  191 1,  Emperor  Wilhelm  II  conversed  with 
the  Belgian  General  Heimburger  and  with  M.  Delvaux 
de  Fenffe,  the  governor  of  the  province  of  Liege,  who 
came  to  greet  him  on  behalf  of  the  King  of  the  Belgians. 
He  said  to  M.  Delvaux: 

You  are  the  governor  of  a  province  with  which 
we  have  always  maintained  good  neighborly  rela- 
tions. Recently,  I  understand,  you  have  felt  in 
your  country  serious  apprehensions.  Believe  me, 
these  apprehensions  were  unnecessary. 

At  the  luncheon  that  followed,  the  Emperor,  answer- 
ing General  Heimburger,  said: 

You  were  quite  right  to  trust  us. 
2 


UTTERANCES  OF  RULERS 

Instruments  of  Providence 

Providence  has  willed  that  we  should  be  his 
instruments. 

William  I,  Speech,  March  3,  1871. 

We  shall  conquer  everywhere,  even  though  we 
be  surrounded  by  enemies  on  all  sides;  for  there 
lives  a  powerful  ally,  the  old  good  God  in  heaven, 
who  .  .  .  has  always  been  on  our  side. 

William  II,  Speech,  March  28,  1901. 

Here  [in  Konigsberg]  my  grandfather  again,  by 
his  own  right,  set  the  Prussian  crown  upon  his 
head,  once  more  distinctly  emphasizing  the  fact 
that  it  was  accorded  him  by  the  will  of  God  alone 
.  .  .  and  that  he  looked  upon  himself  as  the  chosen 
instrument  of  heaven.  .  .  .  Looking  upon  myself 
as  the  instrument  of  the  Lord,  without  regard  to 
the  opinions  and  intentions  of  the  day,  I  go  my 
way.  .  .  . 

William  II,  Speech,  August  25,  1910. 

I  welcome  with  all  my  heart  those  who  wish  to 
assist  me  in  my  work,  no  matter  who  they  may  be, 
but  those  who  oppose  me  in  this  work  I  will  crush. 
William  II,  Speech  at  a  Brandenburg  banquet,  1890. 

The  sole  pillar  of  the  realm 

Just  as  at  that  time  [in  the  reign  of  William  I], 
so  now,  too,  distrust  and  discord  are  rife  among 
the  people.  The  only  pillar  on  which  the  realm 
rested  was  the  army.     So  it  is  today! 

William  II,  Speech,  October  18,  1894. 

3 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Imperial  menaces 

You  know  very  well  that  you  are  to  fight  against 
ji  cunning,  brave,  well-armed  and  terrible  enemy. 
If  you  come  to  grips  with  him,  be  assured  quarter 
VTill  not  be  given,  no  prisoners  will  be  taken.  Use 
your  weapons  in  such  a  way  that  for  a  thousand 
years  no  Chinese  shall  dare  to  look  upon  a  German 
askance.    Be  as  terrible  as  Attila's  Huns. 

William  II,  Speech  to  the  Chinese  Expeditionary  force, 
July  27,  1900.  The  last  sentence  appeared  in  contem- 
porary reports  but  not  in  the  official  version. 

It  is  my  imperial  and  royal  command  that  you 
concentrate  your  energies  for  the  present  upon  the 
attainment  of  one  particular  object,  that  you  em- 
ploy all  your  skill  and  all  the  bravery  of  my  sol- 
diers to  exterminate  the  treacherous  English,  to 
shatter  and  annihilate  General  French's  contempti- 
ble little  army. 

William  II,  Order  issued  August  19,  1914. 

.  .  .  Remember  that  you  are  the  chosen  people! 
The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  has  descended  upon  me 
because  I  am  the  Emperor  of  the  Germans ! 

I  am  the  instrument  of  the  Almighty.  I  am  his 
sword,  his  agent.  Woe  and  death  to  all  those  who 
shall  oppose  my  will !  Woe  and  death  to  those 
who  do  not  believe  in  my  mission !  Woe  and 
death  to  the  cowards! 

Let  them  perish,  all  the  enemies  of  the  German 
people!  God  demands  their  destruction,  God  who, 
by  my  mouth,  bids  you  to  do  His  will ! 

William  II,  Proclamation  to  the  Army  of  the  East, 
1914. 

4 


UTTERANCES  OF  RULERS 

Germany's  destiny  as  a  World  Power 

Germany's  greatness  makes  it  impossible  for  her 
to  do  without  the  ocean;  but  the  ocean  also  bears 
witness  that,  even  in  the  distance  and  on  its  farther 
side,  without  Germany  and  the  German  Emperor 
no  great  decision  dare  be  taken. 

William  II,  Speech,  July  3,  1900. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  we  have  no  such  fleet 
as  we  should  have,  we  have  conquered  for  our- 
selves a  place  in  the  sun.  It  will  be  my  task  to 
see  to  it  that  this  place  in  the  sun  shall  remain 
our  undisputed  possession  ...  for  our  future  lies 
upon  the  water. 

WiUiam  II,  Speech,  June  i8,  1901. 

The  Great  Emperor  (William  I)  with  his  great 
aides  laid  the  basis,  the  cornerstone  of  the  build- 
ing; it  is  for  us  to  build  upon  it.  ...  A  great  fu- 
ture awaits  us,  if  we  are  but  determined  to  make 
it  so. 

WilHam  II,  Speech,  June  20,  1903. 

God  would  never  have  taken  such  great  pains 
with  our  German  Fatherland  and  its  people  if  He 
had  not  been  preparing  us  for  something  still 
o-reater.     We  are  the  salt  of  the  earth.  .  .  . 

William  II,  Speech,  March  22,  1905. 

The  triumph  of  the  greater  Germany,  which  some 
day  must  dominate  all  Europe,  is  the  single  end  for 
which  we  are  fighting. 

William  II,  Proclamation,  June,  1915. 
5 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Of  the  foregoing  utterances  of  William  II,  the  assur- 
ances to  the  Belgians,  October,  191 1,  and  the  proclama- 
tions and  orders  issued  in  1914  and  191 5  are  cited  from 
"Juges  par  eux-memes"  (pp.  79-81).  The  other  cita- 
tions are  to  be  found  in  the  collection  of  the  Emperor's 
speeches  made  by  Christian  Gauss,  "The  German  Em- 
peror*' (Scribner's  Sons,  1915).  Grumbach,  in  "Das  an- 
nexionishsche  Deutschland,"  p.  5,  gives  the  following  ex- 
tract from  the  Emperor's  "Proclamation  to  the  German 
People,"  July  31.  1915: 

In  heroic  deeds  and  sufferings  we  hold  out  un- 
wavering, until  peace  comes — a  peace  that  affords 
us  for  the  future  the  necessary  military,  political 
and  economic  securities  and  establishes  the  condi- 
tions for  the  unimpeded  development  of  our  cre- 
ative forces.  .  .  . 

Demands  for  annexations 

The  declaration  of  war  by  Russia  was  followed 
by  that  of  France  (sicf),  and  when  after  this  the 
Englishmen  also  assailed  us,  I  said : 

*T  am  glad  of  this,  and  I  am  glad  because  now 
we  can  have  an  accounting  with  our  enemies,  and 
because  now,  at  last,  we  shall  gain  a  direct  outlet 
from  the  Rhine  to  the  sea." 

Since  that  time  ten  months  have  elapsed.  Much 
precious  blood  has  been  shed.  It  shall  not,  how- 
ever, have  been  shed  in  vain.  A  strengthening  of 
the  German  Empire  and  its  extension  over  its  pres- 
ent boundaries,  so  far  as  this  is  necessary  to  secure 
us  against  future  attacks — that  must  be  the  fruit 
of  this  war. 

King  Louis  of  Bavaria,  Speech,  June  7,  1915. 
6 


UTTERANCES  OF  RULERS 

The  heavy  sacrifices  which  the  whole  German 
people  has  made  .  .  .  call  upon  us  not  to  make 
peace  until  the  enemy  is  overthrown  and  we  can 
secure  a  peace  which,  as  far  as  we  can  see  into 
the  future,  shall  secure  the  free  development  of  the 
whole  people  in  every  direction ;  until  we  shall  have 
boundaries  which  will  discourage  our  enemies  from 
again  attacking  us. 

King  Louis  of  Bavaria,  Speech  delivered  after  the 
occupation  of  Warsaw. 

I  share  with  you  the  hope  and  the  firm  convic- 
tion that  after  this  great  war  ...  a  victorious  and 
honorable  peace  will  be  won.  In  this  peace  I  hope 
that  we  shall  secure  a  great  African  colonial  em- 
pire as  well  as  a  sufficient  number  of  solid  points 
of  support  over  the  surface  of  the  globe  for  our 
navy  and  commerce.  .  .  . 

Duke  John  Albert  of  Mecklenburg,  Telegram  to  the 
Colonial  Society  of  Ruhrort;  published  in  "Diisseldorfer 
General-Anzeiger,"  June  29,  1915. 


CHAPTER   II 

I.    UTTERANCES   OF  GERMAN  MINISTERS  AND 
CHANCELLORS 

I.     FROM  BISMARCK  TO  BETHMANN-HOLLWEG 

"Blood  and  iron" 

Not  by  speeches  and  resolutions  of  majorities 
are  the  great  questions  of  the  time  decided — that 
was  the  mistake  of  1848  and  1849 — but  by  iron 
and  blood. 

Bismarck,  in  the  Military  Committee  of  the  Prussian 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  1862. 

The  "Editing"  of  the  Ems  Dispatch 

About  great  events  a  wreath  of  legend  is  always 
twined,  and  this  is  often  a  very  good  thing.  There 
are  legends  which  ought  not  to  be  destroyed. 

The  King  was  at  Ems,  I  was  at  Varzin,  when 
the  uproar  on  account  of  the  candidacy  of  Prince 
Leopold  of  Hohenzollern  for  the  Spanish  throne 
broke  out  in  Paris.  The  French  behaved  most 
fatuously.  Worst  of  all  was  the  Government,  with 
Emile  Ollivier  at  its  head.  He  was  not  in  any  way 
equal  to  the  situation,  and  he  had  no  idea  how  much 
harm  he  was  doing  in  the  French  legislature  with 
his  imprudent  blusterings. 

8 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

At  the  moment  the  situation  was  extremely  fa- 
vorable for  us.  We  were  actually  the  challenged 
party;  and  since  it  had  long  been  clear  to  us  all 
that  a  settlement  with  France  was  necessary,  this 
moment  seemed  to  us  suitable  for  unsheathing  the 
sword.  Accordingly  I  left  Varzin  in  order  to  dis- 
cuss all  important  questions  at  Berlin  with  Moltke 
and  Roon.  On  the  way,  I  received  by  telegraph 
the  news:  Prince  Charles  Anthony  of  Hohenzol- 
lern,  moved  by  his  love  of  peace,  has  withdrawn 
the  candidacy  of  his  son  Leopold.  Everything  is 
satisfactorily  arranged. 

I  was  quite  taken  aback  by  this  unexpected  so- 
lution, for  I  asked  myself:  Will  an  equally  fa- 
vorable occasion  ever  again  present  itself? 

On  reaching  Berlin,  I  summoned  Roland  and 
told  him  to  telegraph  home  that  I  would  re- 
turn in  three  days.  At  the  same  time,  in  a  dispatch 
to  Ems,  I  tendered  to  His  Majesty  my  resignation 
as  President  of  the  Ministry  and  as  Chancellor  of 
the  Confederation.  In  reply,  I  received  a  telegram 
in  which  the  King  summoned  me  to  Ems.  Long 
before  this  I  had  worked  out  a  clear  view  of  the 
situation,  and  I  said  to  myself:  If  I  go  to  Ems,  the 
whole  game  is  up;  in  the  most  favorable  case  we 
reach  a  rotten  compromise;  the  only  possible,  the 
only  honorable  and  great  solution,  is  shut  out;  I 
must  do  whatever  I  can  to  bring  His  Majesty  to 
Berlin,  where  he  will  feel  the  pulse  of  the  nation 
better  than  he  can  in  Ems.  I  therefore  set  forth, 
in  the  most  respectful  fashion,  the  reason  why  I 
was  unable  to  come  to  Ems ;  my  presence  at  Berlin 
was,  at  the  moment,  absolutely  indispensable. 

9 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Fortunately,  in  the  meantime,  the  French,  short- 
sighted and  grown  arrogant,  did  all  they  could  to 
drive  the  wagon  off  the  road  again.  They  had  the 
effrontery  to  suggest  that  the  King  sign  a  letter 
that  amounted  to  a  deep  humiliation.  The  King 
asked  my  advice  by  telegraph.  I  answered  with 
a  clear  conscience:    To  sign  is  impossible. 

I  had  invited  Moltke  and  Roon  to  dine  with  me 
on  the  evening  of  July  14,  and  we  discussed  all 
eventualities.  We  all  shared  the  hope  that  the 
foolish  step  taken  by  France,  the  unheard-of  sug- 
gestion addressed  to  our  King,  would  dispel  the 
danger  of  a  weak  and  inglorious  outcome.  Then, 
while  we  were  still  at  table,  a  dispatch  arrived 
from  Ems.     It  began  as  follows: 

"The  news  of  the  withdrawal  of  the  candidacy  of 
the  hereditary  prince  of  Hohenzollern  having  been 
officially  communicated  by  the  Spanish  Royal  Gov- 
ernment to  the  French  Imperial  Government,  the 
French  Ambassador  at  Ems  has  addressed  to  His 
Majesty  a  further  demand,  namely,  to  authorize  him 
to  telegraph  to  Paris  that  His  Majesty  the  King 
pledges  himself  for  all  time  never  again  to  give  his 
consent  if  the  Hohenzollerns  should  again  revert 
to  their  candidacy." 

A  lengthy  explanation  followed.  It  was  to  the 
effect  that  the  King  had  maintained  the  position 
taken  in  previous  communications  to  Count  Bene- 
detti.  The  Ambassador  had  received  this  reply 
with  thanks  and  had  undertaken  to  communicate  it 
to  his  Government.  Subsequently  Benedetti  had 
asked  for  another  audience  with  His  Majesty,  if 
only  to  receive  once  more  direct  oral  confirmation 

10 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

of  what  His  Majesty  had  told  him  on  the  prom- 
enade.    Then  the  dispatch  continued: 

"His  Majesty,  however,  refused  to  receive  the 
F'rench  Ambassador  again,  and  had  him  told  by 
the  adjutant  on  duty  that  His  Majesty  had  no 
further  communications  to  make  to  the  Ambas- 
sador." 

When  I  had  finished  reading  this  dispatch,  Roon 
and  Moltke  simultaneously  dropped  their  knives 
and  forks  on  the  table  and  pushed  back  their  chairs. 
There  was  a  long  silence.  We  were  all  deeply  de- 
pressed. We  felt  that  the  affair  had  come  to  noth- 
ing.* 

At  this  point  I  put  to  Moltke  the  question:  "Is 
the  instrument  that  we  need  for  war,  our  army, 
really  so  good  that  we  can  accept  war  with  the 
greatest  likelihood  of  success?"  Moltke  was  firm 
as  a  rock  in  his  confidence.  "We  have  never  had 
a  better  machine  than  at  this  moment,"  he  said. 
Roon,  in  whom  I  had,  it  must  be  confessed,  less 
confidence,  fully  confirmed  what  Moltke  said. 

"Well,  then,  continue  to  eat  quietly,"  I  said  to 
my  two  comrades.  I  seated  myself  at  a  small,  round 
marble  table  that  stood  beside  the  dining  table,  re- 
read the  dispatch  carefully,  took  a  pencil  and 
crossed  out  all  the  middle  sentences  about  Bene- 
detti's  request  for  a  further  audience,  etc.  I  left 
only  the  head  and  the  tail.  Now  the  dispatch  had 
quite  a  different  aspect.  I  read  it  to  Moltke  and 
Roon  in  this  new  form.  They  both  exclaimed: 
"Splendid.'  That  cannot  fail  to  work."  We  went 
on  eating  with  the  best  of  appetites. 

*  Literally :  "had  run  off  into  the  sand." 
II 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

I  immediately  gave  orders  that  the  dispatch  be 
sent  through  the  telegraph  office  with  the  least 
possible  delay  to  all  the  newspapers  and  all  the 
legations.  And  we  were  still  together  when  we 
received  the  news  we  hoped  for  concerning  the 
effect  which  the  dispatch  had  produced  in  Paris. 
It  burst  there  like  a  bomb. 

Although  in  truth  an  insulting  proposal  had  been 
made  to  our  King,  the  dispatch  gave  the  French  the 
impression  that  our  King  had  affronted  their  rep- 
resentative. All  the  idlers  on  the  boulevards  were 
of  the  opinion  that  this  was  not  to  be  borne.  The 
cry:  "To  Berlin!  To  Berlin!"  leaped  from  the 
howling  masses.     The  right  key  had  been  struck. 

And  the  effect  here  was  the  same  as  there.  The 
King,  who  at  my  urgent  entreaty  had  decided  to 
break  off  his  cure  at  Ems,  returned  to  Berlin,  and 
was  absolutely  astounded  by  the  acclamations  with 
which  he  was  greeted  at  every  stage  of  his  journey. 
For  the  moment  he  wholly  failed  to  grasp  what  had 
happened.  The  indescribable  enthusiasm,  the  roar 
of  cheers  that  met  him  in  Berlin,  seized  and  moved 
our  old  master  profoundly.  His  eyes  moistened. 
He  recognized  that  this  was  truly  a  national  war, 
a  popular  war,  which  the  people  longed  for,  which 
they  needed. 

Even  before  his  arrival  at  Berlin,  we  had  received 
the  King's  authorization  to  mobilize  at  least  a  part 
of  the  army.  When  the  Crown  Prince  left  the 
royal  train  he  spoke  in  the  station,  and  purposely 
in  a  loud  voice,  of  the  approaching  mobilization, 
and  there  was  another  outburst  of  cheers,  and  again 
more  cheers.    By  the  time  that  we  reached  the  cas- 

12 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

tie,  His  Majesty  was  already  inclined  to  mobilize 
the  whole  army.  .  .  . 

I  may  add  that  I  was  formally  entitled  to  make 
the  erasures  that  appeared  to  me  to  be  absolutely 
necessary.  It  was  left  to  my  discretion  to  publish 
the  telegram  in  full  or  to  make  extracts  from  it. 
I  have  had  no  reason  to  regret  that  I  made  ex- 
tracts. 

This  story  was  told  by  Bismarck  to  a  number  of  depu- 
ties, at  a  social  gathering  in  his  house.  One  of  his 
hearers,  who  had  taken  notes,  published  the  story  sev- 
eral years  later  in  the  "Neue  Freie  Presse,"  of  Vienna, 
November  20,  1892.  It  was  reprinted  November  27  in  the 
"Hamburger  Nachrichten,"  which  was  Bismarck's  organ, 
with  an  editorial  statement  that  it  was  inexact  in  some 
details.  It  is  given  in  Poschinger,  "Bismarck  und  die 
Parlamentarier"   (1894),  vol.  ii,  pp.  128-131. 

There  are  other  versions.  Two  brief  statements  made 
by  Bismarck  are  given  by  Busch  in  his  "Tagebuchblatter** 
(1897),  vol.  i,  pp.  546,  547;  vol.  ii,  p.  485.  In  his  post- 
humous memoirs  Bismarck  again  tells  the  story.  One  sig- 
nificant passage  follows: 

After  I  had  read  to  my  two  guests  the  condensed 
version,  Moltke  remarked :  "Now  it  has  a  different 
ring;  before  it  sounded  like  a  parley;  now  it  is  like 
a  flourish  in  reply  to  a  challenge."  I  went  on  to 
explain :  "If  in  carrying  out  His  Majesty's  instruc- 
tions I  at  once  communicate  this  text,  which  con- 
tains no  alteration  in  or  addition  to  the  telegram, 
not  only  to  the  newspapers  but  also  by  telegraph  to 
all  our  legations,  it  will  be  known  in  Paris  before 
midnight;  and  there,  not  only  on   account  of  its 

13 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

contents  but  also  on  account  of  the  manner  of  its 
distribution,  it  will  have  the  effect  of  a  red  rag 
upon  the  Gallic  bull.  Fight  we  must  if  we  do  not 
wish  to  act  the  part  of  the  vanquished  without  a 
conflict.  Success,  however,  depends  essentially  upon 
the  impression  which  the  origin  of  the  war  makes 
upon  us  and  upon  others;  it  is  important  that  we 
be  the  party  attacked;  and  this  advantage  Gallic 
arrogance  and  touchiness  will  give  us  if  we  make 
public  announcement  to  all  Europe,  so  far  as  we 
can  without  the  speaking  trumpet  of  the  Reichstag, 
that  we  fearlessly  meet  the  public  threats  of 
France." 

"Gedanken  und  Erinnerungen,"  vol.  ii,  p.  91. 

Why  Paris  should  not  be  destroyed 

The  question  was  raised  whether  Paris,  despite 
its  fortifications,  could  not  be  stormed.  The  mili- 
tary men  said  that  it  could.  .  .  .  Count  Waldersee 
wished  to  see  "Babylon  laid  in  ruins."  .  .  .  Bis- 
marck, however,  replied: 

"Yes,  that  would  be  very  good,  but  for  many 
reasons  it  would  not  be  practicable.  For  one  thing, 
German  capitalists  of  Cologne  and  Frankfort  have 
placed  considerable  funds  there." 

Busch,  "Tagebuchblatter,"  vol.  i,  p.  103. 

Countess  Bismarck's  hatred  of  the  French 

Prince  Albert  inquired  regarding  the  Countess's 
health.  "She  is  very  well  now"  (Bismarck  replied), 
.  .  .  "only  she  suffers  still  from  her  fierce  hatred 
of  the  Gauls,  all  and  each  of  whom  she  would  like 

14 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

to  see  shot  or  stabbed  dead,  even  to  the  very  little 
children — who  after  all  are  not  to  blame  for  having 
such  abominable  parents." 

Busch,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  332. 

Bismarck's  regrets 

He  complained  ...  to  us  that  he  had  derived 
little  joy  or  satisfaction  from  his  political  activity. 
For  that,  he  said,  no  one  loved  him.  Through  that, 
he  had  made  no  one  happy,  neither  himself  nor  his 
family  nor  others. 

We  protested ;  but  he  went  on : 

"But  I  have  made  many  unhappy.  But  for  me 
three  big  wars  would  not  have  been  fought,  80,000 
men  would  not  have  been  slain,  nor  would  their 
parents,  brothers,  sisters  and  widows  have  mourned 
their  death.  .  .  .  That,  however,  I  have  settled  with 
God.  But  from  all  that  I  have  done  I  have  derived 
little  or  no  joy;  on  the  other  hand,  much  vexation, 
anxiety  and  trouble." 

Busch,  ibid.j  vol.  ii,  p.  468. 

A  promise,  a  threat,  and  a  prophecy 

We  shall  not  attack  France,  under  any  circum- 
stances. .  .  .  Should  we  be  attacked  again  by 
France  and  be  forced  to  the  conviction  that  we 
should  never  under  any  circumstances  enjoy  re- 
pose ...  we  should  endeavor  to  make  France  in- 
capable of  attacking  us  for  thirty  years.  .  .  .  The 
war  of  1870  would  be  child's  play  compared  with 
that  of  1890-^1  do  not  know  when  it  may  come-— 
in  its  results  for  France.     On  one  side  as  on  the 

15 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

other  there  would  be  the  same  effort:  each  would 
seek  to  bleed  the  other  white. 

Bismarck,  Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  January  ii,  1887. 

Value  to  Germany  of  the  neutralization  of  Luxem- 
burg and  of  Belgium 

In  exchange  for  this  right  of  maintaining  a  gar- 
rison in  Luxemburg,  in  exchange  for  the  fortress 
which,  according  to  the  conviction  of  our  military 
authorities,  offered  us  but  slight  strategic  advan- 
tage, we  have  received  compensation  in  the  neu- 
tralizing of  the  territory  under  a  European  guar- 
anty. That  this  guaranty  will  be  upheld,  if  occa- 
sion arises,  I  believe  in  spite  of  all  quibbling;  and 
this  guaranty  is  for  us  from  a  military  point  of 
view  a  complete  compensation  for  the  surrender 
of  the  right  of  garrison. 

Bismarck,  Speech  in  the  North  German  Federal  Diet, 
Sept.  24,  1867. 

It  is  an  indubitable  fact  that  Count  Moltke  .  .  . 
was  of  the  opinion  that  Germany,  in  possession  of 
Metz  and  Strassburg,  with  Mayence,  Cologne  and 
Coblenz  in  the  second  line,  could  in  case  of  a  war 
on  two  fronts  maintain  the  defensive  against 
France  for  an  indefinite  time  and  meanwhile  em- 
ploy its  chief  force  in  the  East.  .  .  .  We  should 
regard  it  as  a  piece  of  presumption  to  attempt  to 
support  the  views  of  the  great  strategist  with  our 
own  opinion;  but  we  should  like  to  add  that  a  de- 
fensive conduct  of  the  war  by  Germany  against 
France,  so  long  as  we  are  in  possession  of  Metz 
and  Strassburg,  and  so  long  as  we  remain  covered 

16 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

by  the  neutral  Belgian  and  Luxemburg  territory, 
would  not  deprive  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  but 
only  a  part  of  Alsace,  of  protection  by  the  German 
forces. 

Bismarck,  cited  in  Hofmann,  "Fiirst  Bismarck,  1890- 
1898/'  vol.  ii,  p.  194. 

Cutting  off  sea  trade  lawful  warfare 

The  more  a  country  depends  on  maritime  com- 
merce, the  more  necessary  it  becomes  to  cut  off  all 
its  communications  in  case  of  sea  warfare.  Such  a 
country  might  indeed  need  this  commerce  for  its 
own  nourishment  and  for  the  raw  materials  re- 
quired in  its  industry.  I  am  of  the  opinion  that 
cutting  off  the  enemy's  navigation  will  remain  an 
indispensable  method  of  conflict.  He  who  wages 
war  wishes  to  gain  its  goal ;  and  if  he  possesses  the 
necessary  energy,  he  succeeds  by  employing  every 
means,  including  in  the  case  of  sea  war  that  of 
stopping  all  the  enemy's  commerce.  No  one  can 
reject  this  supreme  weapon.  Moreover,  it  is  ex- 
actly what  is  done  in  land  warfare.  If  during  the 
siege  of  Paris  anyone  had  sent  a  train  of  foodstuffs 
towards  the  French  capital,  it  would  have  been 
stopped.    The  case  is  quite  the  same  at  sea. 

Chancellor  von  Caprivi,  Speech  in  the  Reichstag, 
March  4,  1892;  cited  in  "L'Homme  Enchaine"  (February 
V.  1915). 

Concerning  the  Polish  expropriation  laws 

When  recourse  is  had  to  special  legislation,  to  a 
measure  which  I  concede  to  be  harsh,  its  complete 

17 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

success  must  be  assured,  and  the  measure  must 
not  be  so  weakened  that  its  odium  will  remain  while 
its  useful  effect  will  be  lost. 

Chancellor  von  Biilow,  Speech  in  the  Prussian  Diet, 
1907. 

The  invasion  of  Belgium  a  "wrong" 

Gentlemen,  we  are  now  in  a  state  of  necessity  of 
/^self-preservation    (Notwehr)    and   necessity   knows 
J    no  law.    Our  troops  have  occupied  Luxemburg  and 
\    \      perhaps  have  already  entered  Belgian  territory. 
l^       Gentlemen,  that  is  a  breach  of  international  law. 
It  is  true  that  the  French  Government  declared  at 
Brussels  that  France  would  respect  Belgian  neu- 
trality so  long  as  her  adversary  respected  it.     We 
knew,   however,   that   France  stood   ready  for   an 
invasion.     France   could   wait,  we   could  not.     A 
French   attack  on   our   flank  on  the  lower   Rhine 
might  have  been  disastrous.     So  we  were  forced  to 
ignore  the  rightful  protests  of  the  governments  of 
Luxemburg   and    Belgium.     The   wrong — I   speak 
openly — the  wrong  we  thereby  commit  we  will  try 
to  make  good  as  soon  as  our  military  aims  have 
been  attained. 

He  who  is  menaced  as  we  are  and  is  fighting  for 
his  highest  possessions  can  only  consider  how  he 
is  to  hew  his  way  through  (durchhauen) . 

Speech  of  Chancellor  von  Bethmann-Hollweg  in  the 
Reichstag,  August  4,  1914. 

Germany  had  no  grievance  against  Belgium 

I  was  received  this  morning  [August  4]  at  9 
o'clock  by  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.     He 

18 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

said  to  me:  "We  have  been  obliged  by  absolute 
necessity  to  address  to  your  Government  the  re- 
quest of  w^hich  you  are  aware.  ...  It  is  only  with 
the  utmost  anguish  (la  mort  dans  I'ame)  that  the 
Emperor  and  the  Government  have  seen  themselves 
obliged  to  come  to  this  decision.  For  me  it  is  the 
most  painful  one  that  I  have  ever  had  to  make. 
.  .  .  Germany  has  nothing  with  which  to  reproach 
Belgium,  whose  attitude  has  always  been  cor- 
rect." .  .  . 

On  August  5  ...  I  was  received  by  the  Under 
Secretary  of  State.  Herr  Zimmermann  expressed 
to  me,  with  much  emotion,  his  profound  regrets 
for  the  cause  of  my  departure.  .  .  .  He  sought  no 
pretext  to  excuse  the  violation  of  our  neutrality. 
He  did  not  invoke  the  supposed  French  plan  .  .  . 
of  passing  through  Belgium  in  order  to  attack  Ger- 
many on  the  lower  Rhine.  .  .  .  [To  all  remon- 
strances he]  simply  replied  that  the  Department 
for  Foreign  Affairs  was  powerless.  Since  the  order 
for  mobilization  had  been  issued  ...  all  power 
now  belonged  to  the  military  authorities.  It  was 
they  who  had  considered  the  invasion  of  Belgium  to 
be  an  indispensable  operation  of  war.  .  .  . 

Reports  of  Baron  Beyens,  Belgian  Minister  at  Berlin, 
to  the  Belgian  Foreign  Minister;  "Second  Belgian  Gray 
Book,"  docs.  nos.  25,  51,  52. 

"Strategical  reasons"  versus  "scraps  of  paper" 

I  found  the  Chancellor*  very  agitated.  His  Ex- 
cellency at  once  began  a  harangue,  which  lasted 

*  This  interview  occurred  on  the  evening  of  August  4,  1914. 
19 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

/  for  about  twenty  minutes.  He  said  that  the  step 
taken  by  His  Majesty's  Government  was  terrible 
to  a  degree ;  just  for  a  word — "neutrality,"  a  word 
which  in  war  time  had  so  often  been  disregarded — 
just  for  a  scrap  of  paper  Great  Britain  was  going 
to  make  war  on  a  kindred  nation  who  desired  noth- 

\  ing  better  than  to  be  friends  with  her.  All  his 
efforts  in  that  direction  had  been  rendered  useless 
by  this  last  terrible  step,  and  the  policy  to  which, 
as  I  knew,  he  had  devoted  himself  since  his  acces- 
sion to  office  had  tumbled  down  like  a  house  of 
cards.  What  we  had  done  was  unthinkable ;  it  was 
like  striking  a  man  from  behind  while  he  was  fight- 
ing for  his  life  against  two  assailants.  He  held 
Great  Britain  responsible  for  all  the  terrible  events 
that  might  happen.  I  protested  strongly  against 
that  statement,  and  said  that,  in  the  same  way  as 
he  and  Herr  von  Jagow  wished  me  to  understand 
that  for  strategical  reasons  it  was  a  matter  of  life 
and  death  to  Germany  to  advance  through  Belgium 
and  violate  the  latter's  neutrality,  so  I  would  wish 
him  to  understand  that  it  was,  so  to  speak,  a  mat- 
ter of  "life  and  death"  for  the  honor  of  Great  Britain 
that  she  should  keep  her  solemn  engagement  to 
do  her  utmost  to  defend  Belgium's  neutrality  if 
attacked.     That  solemn  compact  simply  had  to  be 

'  kept,  or  what  confidence  could  anyone  have  in  en- 
gagements given  by  Great  Britain  in  the  future? 
The  Chancellor  said :  "But  at  what  price  will  that 
compact  have  been  kept?  Has  the  British  Gov- 
ernment thought  of  that?"  I  hinted  to  his  Excel- 
lency as  plainly  as  I  could  that  fear  of  consequences 

20 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

could  hardly  be  regarded  as  an  excuse  for  breaking 
solemn  engagements,  but  his  Excellency  was  so 
excited,  so  evidently  overcome  by  the  news  of  our 
action,  and  so  little  disposed  to  hear  reason  that 
I  refrained  from  adding  fuel  to  the  flame  by  fur- 
ther argument.  .  .  . 

Report  of  Sir  Edward  Goschen,  British  Ambassador  at 
Berlin,  to  Sir  Edward  Grey.  "British  Blue  Book,"  doc. 
no,  1 60. 

A  retraction  retracted 

When  on  August  4  I  spoke  of  the  wrong  we  were 
committing  in  invading  Belgium  .  .  .  there  were 
already  many  indications  of  guilt  on  the  part  of 
the  Belgian  Government.  .  .  .  Now  that  it  is 
shown  by  documents  found  in  Brussels  ...  in 
what  manner  and  to  what  extent  Belgium  had  aban- 
doned its  neutrality  as  regards  England,  it  is  clear 
to  all  the  world  .  .  .  that  when  our  troops  entered 
Belgian  territory  they  were  on  the  soil  of  a  State 
which  had  itself  long  before  worm-holed  its  own 
neutrality. 

Chancellor  von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  Speech  in  the 
Reichstag,  December  2,  1914. 

Subsequent  demonstration  that  the  documents  found 
in  Brussels  did  not  incriminate  Belgium  led  to  the  follow- 
ing inspired  declaration  in  the  "Norddeutsche  Allgemeine 
Zeitung,"  August  27,  1915: 

On  the  part  of  Germany  no  attempt  has  ever 
been  made  to  justify  the  German  invasion  of  Bel- 
gium through  subsequent  allegations  of  guilty  con- 
duct on  the  part  of  the  Belgian  Government. 

Cited  in  "Friedenswarte,"  Jahrgang  17,  p.  341. 
21 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Threats  of  annexation 

The  greater  the  peril  which  we  have  to  meet  .  .  . 
the  more  firmly  we  must  hold  out,  until  we  have 
conquered  for  ourselves  all  possible  real  guaranties 
and  securities  that  none  of  our  enemies,  either  sin- 
gly or  in  union,  shall  again  dare  to  appeal  to  arms 
against  us.  The  more  furiously,  gentlemen,  the 
storm  rages  about  us,  the  more  firmly  must  we 
build  our  own  house. 

Chancellor  von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  Speech  in  the 
Reichstag,  May  28,  191 5. 

Of  one  thing  our  enemies  must  be  assured:  the 
longer  and  the  more  bitterly  they  conduct  this  war 
against  us,  the  greater  become  the  guaranties  which 
we  shall  be  obliged  to  demand.  .  .  .  Neither  in  the 
East  nor  in  the  West  can  our  foes  be  permitted  to 
control  sally-ports,  through  which  in  the  future 
they  may  threaten  us  anew  and  with  greater  vio- 
lence. 

Chancellor  von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  Speech  in  the 
Reichstag,  December  9,  191 5. 

Russia  cannot  be  permitted  a  second  time  to 
launch  its  armies  against  the  unprotected  frontiers 
of  East  and  West  Prussia.  .  .  .  And  if  anyone  be- 
lieves that  we  shall  surrender  the  lands  which  we 
have  occupied  in  the  West,  on  which  the  blood  of 
our  people  has  flowed,  without  full  security  for  our 
future — we  will  obtain  for  ourselves  real  guaran- 
ties that  Belgium  shall  not  be  built  up  as  an  Anglo- 
French  vassal  state  nor  as  a  military  and  economic 
bulwark  against  Germany. 

22 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

In  this  case  also  there  can  be  no  status  quo  ante; 
in  this  case  also  Germany  cannot  sacrifice  the  Flem- 
ish people,  so  long  oppressed,  to  a  renewed  process 
of  Gallicization. 

Chancellor  von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  Speech  in  the 
Reichstag,  April  5,   1916. 

Germany's  political  and  economic  situation  makes 
it  appear  urgently  necessary  that,  after  the  end  of 
this  war,  our  colonial  possessions  shall  be  main- 
tained and  increased,  without  prejudice  to  the  pos- 
sible acquisition  of  territory  in  Europe. 

Dr.  Solf,  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  in  the 
*'Kolonialkalender"  for   191 5. 

As  in  the  home  country  we  are  directing  our  at- 
tention to  the  securing  of  such  future  boundaries 
that  no  hostile  attack  shall  in  future  be  a  matter  of 
apprehension,  so  also  we  shall  not  be  able  to  ignore 
a  proper  development  of  our  colonial  possessions. 

All  European  politics  have  in  the  course  of  time 
become  world  politics.  .  .  .  Germany  must  follow 
this  development,  but  the  necessary  condition  for 
the  independent  economy  of  a  Great  Power  is  ter- 
ritorial possessions  in  every  climatic  zone. 

Dr.  Solf,  Speech  at  Frankfort,  May  29,  1916. 

In  reply  to  a  declaration  of  Social  Democratic  depu- 
ties against  annexations,  Herr  von  Loebell,  Prussian  Min- 
ister of  the  Interior,  said  in  the  Prussian  Diet,  January 
17,  1916: 

This  declaration  is  not  in  harmony  with  the  true 
spirit  of  the  people  in  this  heroic  time ;  least  of  all 
will  it  be  intelligible  to  the  men  who  are  fighting 
for  us.  .  .  .  The  German  Empire  must  build  with 

23 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

blood  and  iron  the  road  to  the  attainment  of  its 
political  destiny  in  the  world. 

The  outcome  of  this  war  cannot  be  negative,  it 
must  be  positive.  It  is  not  a  question  of  our  being 
annihilated,  of  our  not  being  diminished  or  torn  to 
pieces  or  plundered;  it  is,  on  the  contrary,  a  ques- 
tion of  securing  a  plus,  in  the  form  of  real  securities 
and  guaranties,  in  compensation  for  our  unprece- 
dented toil  and  suffering.  ...  In  view  of  the  feel- 
ing against  us  which  this  war  will  leave  behind  it, 
the  simple  reestablishment  of  the  status  quo  ante 
helium  would  not  be  a  gain  for  Germany  but  a 
loss.  .  .  .  Now  that  the  cloth  is  cut  between  us 
and  Russia,  we  need  considerably  increased  security 
in  the  East,  which  .  .  .  can  consist  only  in  a  cor- 
rection of  our  unfavorable  eastern  frontiers.  .  .  . 

It  has  always  seemed  to  me  a  mark  of  weakness 
to  cherish  the  hope  of  being  able  to  attain  a  real, 
honest  reconciliation  with  France,  so  long  as  we 
have  no  intention  of  restoring  Alsace-Lorraine.  .  .  . 
Perhaps  in  course  of  time  the  French  people  will 
submit  to  the  provisions  of  the  Peace  of  Frankfort, 
if  they  are  obliged  to  recognize  that  these  provi- 
sions cannot  be  changed.  This  is  still  more  likely 
if  we  succeed  in  developing  further  our  strategic 
position  as  against  France — a  position  which  is  still 
unfavorable. 

Prince  von  Biilow,  former  Chancellor,  "Deutsche  Poli- 
tik"  (1916),  pp.  xii,  85-86,  88-89. 

I  have  followed  your  argument  with  increasing 
appreciation,  and  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  tell  you 
that  I  share  your  view  in  every  respect.     It  has 

24 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

given  me  particular  satisfaction  that  you  have 
shown  up  the  meaningless  phrase  of  the  "right  of 
peoples  to  determine  their  own  destiny"  in  all  its 
hollowness.  .  .  . 

Von  Bissing,  Governor  General  of  Belgium,  Letter  to 
Dr.  Miiller-Meiningen,  member  of  the  Reichstag,  regard- 
ing a  pamphlet  written  by  the  latter  advocating  a  German 
protectorate  of  Belgium.  (See  below,  p.  145.)  See 
Grumbach,  "Des  Annexionistische  Deutschland,"  p.  295. 

II.    BISMARCK'S  UNHEEDED  WARNINGS* 

Against  German  Jingoes 

No  far-seeing  reckoning  with  existing  factors  of 
European  policy  is  to  characterize  German  state- 
craft; its  efforts  are  not  to  be  directed  to  helping, 
as  far  as  possible,  to  avoid  wars  of  which  the  out- 
come would  be  incalculable;  on  the  contrary,  Ger- 
many is  to  assume  in  Europe  an  attitude  of  provo- 
cation and  play  the  part  of  the  man  who,  sud- 
denly enriched  and  presuming  on  the  dollars  in 
his  pocket,  tries  to  trample  over  everybody.  There 
is  danger  that  such  views  may  spread  in  Germany ; 
and  this  increases  the  apprehension  that,  in  spite  of 
the  best  will,  Germany  may  get  running  on  a  wrong 
track,  on  which  there  will  be  no  turning  back  until 
we  meet  a  catastrophe. 

Hofmann,  "Fiirst  Bismarck,  1890-1898,"  vol.  i,  p.  382. 

*  Most  of  the  citations  in  this  section  are  drawn  from  Mun- 
roe  Smith,  "Military  Strategy  versus  Diplomacy  in  Bis- 
marck's Time  and  Afterwards,"  in  Political  Science  Quar- 
terly^ March,   1915. 

25 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

A  great  power  that  attempts  to  exert  pressure  on 
the  policy  of  other  countries,  outside  of  its  own 
sphere  of  interests,  puts  itself  in  peril.  ...  It  is 
following  a  policy  of  power,  not  one  of  interest;  it 
is  working  for  prestige. 

Bismarck,  Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  Feb.  6,  1888. 

Against  supporting  Austria's  Eastern  ambitions 

Least  of  all  is  it  Germany's  affair  to  promote  am- 
bitious plans  of  Austria  in  the  Balkans. 

The    (German-Austrian)    alliance    covered    only 
the  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy,  not  also  its  east- 
ern policy  against  Russia. 
Hof mann,  "Fiirst  Bismarck,"  vol.  i,  p.  256 ;  vol.  ii,  p.  4. 

Our  relations  to  Austria  ...  do  not  rest  on  the 
basis  .  .  .  that  either  of  the  two  nations  can  be 
required  to  put  itself  and  all  its  power  .  .  .  com- 
pletely at  the  service  of  the  other.  .  .  .  What  inter- 
ests Austria  has  in  Constantinople  is  for  Austria 
alone  to  determine.    We  have  none  there. 

Bismarck,  Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  Jan.  11,  1887. 

It  would  be  of  advantage  to  Germany  if  in  one 
way  or  another,  physically  or  diplomatically,  the 
Russians  established  themselves  in  Constantinople 
and  had  to  defend  it.  We  should  then  no  longer 
be  in  the  position  to  be  used  ...  as  the  dog  to  be 
set  barking  (Hetshund)  against  Russian  lustings 
for  the  Bosphorus;  we  could  wait  to  see  whether 
Austria  were  attacked. 

Bismarck,  "Gedanken  und  Erinnerungen,"  vol.  ii,  p.  263. 

Bulgaria  is  assuredly  not  an  object  of  sufficient 
26 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

magnitude  that,  on  its  account,  Europe  from  Mos- 
cow to  the  Pyrenees  and  from  the  Baltic  to  Palermo 
should  be  hurried  into  a  war  of  which  no  one  can 
foresee  the  issue.  In  the  end,  after  the  war,  we 
should  hardly  know  what  we  had  been  fighting 
about. 

Bismarck,  Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  Feb.  6,  1888. 

Against  war  with  Russia 

The  "Kreuzzeitung"  speaks  of  preparation  for 
the  great  decisive  struggle  between  Slavs  and  Teu- 
tons. For  such  a  struggle  it  is  necessary  to  be  pre- 
pared, but  it  will  never  be  decisive.  As  little  as  the 
subjection  of  nearly  all  Europe  under  Napoleon  I 
led  to  a  definitive  settlement  between  Latins  and 
Teutons,  so  little  will  any  finally  decisive  struggle 
take  place  between  Slavs  and  Teutons;  and  we  do 
not  believe  that  Providence  has  set  these  two  great 
nations  side  by  side  without  design,  or  with  the 
design  that  one  should  become  subject  to  the  other. 

To  prevent  an  unnecessary  outbreak  of  war  be- 
tween Germany  and  Russia  must  remain  the  chief 
task  of  German  statecraft. 

Hofmann,  "Fiirst  Bismarck,"  vol.  ii,  pp.  124,  125. 

With  Russia  we  need  never  have  war  unless 
liberal  stupidities  or  dynastic  blunders  falsify  the 
situation. 

Bismarck,  "Gedanken  und  Erinnerungcn,"  vol.  i,  p.  224. 

Against  attacking  France 

It  is  my  opinion  that  the  historical  controversy 
which  has  been  pending  between  us  and  France  for 

27 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

three  centuries  is  not  ended.  ...  At  the  moment 
we  are  in  possession  of  the  object  in  dispute,  if  I 
may  so  describe  Alsace;  we  do  not  need  to  fight 
for  it.  .  .  .  Even  the  outbreak  of  war  would  be  a 
great  calamity.  Quite  apart  from  its  outcome, 
think  what  it  would  mean  for  us.  Our  whole  trade 
on  land  and  at  sea,  all  our  industrial  undertakings 
would  be  crippled.  .  ,  .  And  we  must  be  prepared 
for  the  chance  of  defeat;  I  am  not  so  timid  as  to 
anticipate  it,  but  the  possibility  is  indisputable.  .  .  . 
France  is  a  great  and  powerful  country,  as  power- 
ful as  we  are ;  France  has  a  warlike  people,  a  brave 
people,  and  has  always  had  able  military  leaders. 
It  is  a  chance,  if  they  succumb  to  us.  .  .  .  If  we 
should  be  beaten,  if  the  victorious  enemy  should 
stand  in  Berlin,  as  we  stood  in  Paris,  if  we  were 
forced  to  accept  his  conditions  of  peace — well,  gen- 
tlemen, what  would  these  conditions  be? 

Bismarck,  Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  Jan.  ii,  1887. 

Against  making  war  in  anticipation  of  war 

In  1867,  when  Moltke  urged  war  on  the  Luxemburg 
question,  Bismarck  said: 

The  personal  conviction  of  a  ruler  or  statesman, 
however  well  founded,  that  a  war  will  break  out  at 
some  future  time,  cannot  justify  starting  such  a 
war.  Unforeseen  occurrences  may  change  the  sit- 
uation and  avert  what  seems  inevitable. 

"Denkwurdigkeiten  des  Grafen  von  Moltke,"  vol.  v,  pp. 
297  et  seq. 

Referring  to  rumors  that  Germany  contemplated  an  at- 
tack on  France  in  1875,  Bismarck  said  in  the  Reichstag, 
February  9,  1876: 

28 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

Imagine  for  yourselves  the  situation  if,  a  year 
ago,  I  had  appeared  here  before  you  and  had  ex- 
plained to  you:  We  must  wage  war;  I  really  can- 
not give  you  any  special  reason  why  we  should  do 
so;  we  have  not  been  insulted,  but  there  is  a  dan- 
gerous state  of  things;  we  have  for  neighbors  a 
lot  of  powerful  armies;  the  French  army  is  or- 
ganizing itself  in  a  disturbing  manner  .  .  .would 
you  not  have  felt  a  strong  inclination  to  send  for 
a  physician,  to  have  me  investigated,  to  ascertain 
how  I,  after  long  experience  in  politics,  could  have 
perpetrated  this  colossal  idiocy — to  appear  before 
you  and  say:  It  is  possible  that  in  a  few  years  we 
may  be  attacked;  in  order  to  prevent  this,  let  us 
fall  rapidly  upon  our  neighbors  and  hew  them  into 
heaps  before  they  can  pull  themselves  together — 
inviting  you,  in  a  way,  to  commit  suicide  because 
of  apprehension  of  death? 

Referring  to  the  same  episode. 

The  new  Empire,  in  waging  such  a  war,  would 
have  started  on  the  road  on  which  the  first  and 
second  French  Empires,  in  a  continuous  policy  of 
war  and  prestige,  went  to  meet  destruction.  Europe 
would  have  seen  in  our  action  an  abuse  of  the  power 
we  had  acquired,  and  everyone's  hand  .  .  .  would 
have  been  raised  against  Germany  or  would  have 
been  on  the  sword-hilt. 

"Gedanken  und  Erinnerungen,"  vol.  ii,  pp.  175,  176. 

Referring  to  strained  relations  with  Russia. 

If  I  were  to  come  before  you  and  say:  We  are 
seriously  menaced  by  France  and  by  Russia;  it  is 
to  be  foreseen  that  we  shall  be  attacked;  that  is 

29 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

my  conviction  as  a  diplomatist;  according  to  mili- 
tary information  it  is  better  for  our  defense  to  em- 
ploy the  anticipatory  thrust  of  the  attack  and  open 
hostilities  at  once;  accordingly,  I  ask  the  Imperial 
Diet  for  a  credit  of  a  milliard  of  marks  in  order  to 
start  the  war  against  both  our  neighbors — well, 
gentlemen,  I  do  not  know  whether  you  have  suffi- 
cient confidence  in  me  to  vote  such  a  grant.  I  hope 
not.  ...  It  will  be  very  hard  to  make  it  clear  to 
the  provinces,  to  the  federated  states  and  their 
people,  that  the  war  is  inevitable,  that  it  has  to  be. 
The  question  will  be  asked:  Are  you  quite  sure  of 
this?  Who  knows?  ...  If  in  the  end  we  proceed 
to  attack,  the  whole  weight  of  the  imponderables, 
which  weigh  much  heavier  than  material  weights, 
will  be  on  the  side  of  our  enemies  whom  we  have 
attacked.  "Holy  Russia"  will  be  enraged  by  the 
attack.  France  will  bristle  to  the  Pyrenees  with 
weapons.  The  same  thing  will  happen  every- 
where. A  war  into  which  we  are  not  carried  by 
the  will  of  the  people  .  .  .  will  not  have  behind  it 
the  same  dash  and  fire  as  a  war  in  which  we  are 
attacked.  This  advantage  we  must  not  permit  to 
escape  us,  even  if  at  the  moment  we  are  .  .  .  su- 
perior to  our  future  enemies.  .  .  .  Even  if  we  are 
attacked  at  an  unfavorable  moment,  we  shall  be 
strong  enough  for  our  defense.  And  we  shall  keep 
the  chance  of  peace,  leaving  it  to  Divine  Providence 
to  determine  whether  in  the  meantime  the  necessity 
of  war  may  not  disappear. 

Bismarck,  Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  Feb.  6.  1888. 

As  regards  the  question  whether  it  is  advisable, 
30 


UTTERANCES  OF  MINISTERS 

in  view  of  a  war  which  we  shall  probably  have  to 
face  sooner  or  later,  to  bring  it  on  by  anticipating 
the  enemy  before  he  secures  a  better  armament,  I 
have  always  .  .  .  opposed  the  theory  that  answers 
in  the  affirmative.  It  is  my  conviction  that  even 
victorious  wars  are  defensible  only  when  they  are 
forced  upon  us,  and  that  no  one  can  get  any  such 
look  into  the  cards  held  by  Providence  as  to  reckon 
out  in  advance  the  movement  of  history. 

"Gedanken  und  Erinnerungen,"   vol.   ii,  p.   93. 

Against  military  domination  and  personal 
autocracy 

The  following  utterances  of  Bismarck  date  from  the 
reign  of  William  II. 

It  is  natural  that,  in  the  General  Staff  of  the  army, 
not  only  younger  officers  of  ambition  but  also  stra- 
tegists of  experience  should  feel  the  desire  to  turn 
to  account  and  to  make  clear  on  the  pages  of  his- 
tory the  efficiency  of  the  troops  they  lead  and  their 
own  capacity  for  leadership.  It  would  be  regretta- 
ble if  the  warlike  spirit  did  not  thus  permeate  the 
army.  The  duty  of  keeping  the  effects  of  this  spirit 
within  the  limits  which  the  need  of  the  people  for 
peace  may  justly  demand,  rests  upon  the  political 
and  not  upon  the  military  heads  of  the  state.  That 
the  General  Staff  and  its  chiefs,  .  .  .  even  down  to 
the  most  recent  period,  have  permitted  themselves  to 
be  misled  into  imperiling  peace,  lies  in  the  necessary 
spirit  of  the  institution.  ...  It  becomes  dangerous 
only  under  a  monarch  whose  policy  lacks  sense  of 

31 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

proportion  and  capacity  of  resisting  one-sided  and 
constitutionally  unjustifiable  influences.  .  .  . 

Former  rulers  had  more  regard  for  capacity  than 
for  obedience  in  their  advisers.  If  obedience  alone 
is  the  criterion,  demands  will  be  made  on  the  all- 
round  endowment  of  the  monarch  which  even  Fred- 
erick the  Great  could  not  meet,  although  in  his  time 
the  conduct  of  the  State  in  war  and  in  peace  was 
less  difficult  than  it  is  today. 

"Gedanken  und  Erinnerungen,"  vol.  ii,  pp.  93,  265. 

To  find  persons  who,  by  virtue  of  their  talents 
as  well  as  their  character,  seem  indicated  for  the 
position  of  Imperial  Chancellor,  but  who  represent 
no  convictions  of  their  own,  is  of  course  no  easy 
matter. 

Hofmann,  "Fiirst  Bismarck,"  vol.  ii,  p.  217. 


CHAPTER   III 

UTTERANCES   OF   PHILOSOPHERS,   HISTORIANS 
AND  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

I.    BEFORE   THE   OUTBREAK   OF   THE   WORLD 
WAR 

Prevalent  attitude  of  German  professors  towards 
the  peace  movement 

The  German  university  professors  have  always 
been  the  most  enthusiastic  defenders  of  the  [mili- 
tary] system.  You  hear  nowhere  in  Germany  more 
belittling  of  the  peace  and  disarmament  movements 
than  among  the  university  professors. 

Peace  a  means  to  war 

(Hugo  Muensterberg,  "The  War  and  America,"  1914, 
p.  120.) 

Ye  shall  love  peace  as  a  means  to  new  wars — 
and  the  short  peace  more  than  the  long.  .  .  . 

Ye  say  it  is  the  good  cause  which  halloweth  even 
war  ?  I  say  unto  you :  it  is  the  good  war  which  hal- 
loweth every  cause.  War  and  courage  have  done 
more  great  things  than  charity.  .  .  . 

...  Be  not  considerate  of  thy  neighbor.  .  .  . 
What  thou  doest  can  no  one  do  to  thee  again.  Lo, 
there  is  no  requital.  .  .  . 

"Thou  shalt  not  rob!  Thou  shalt  not  slay!" — 
such  precepts  were  once  called  holy.  ...  Is  there 
not  even  in  all  life  robbing  and  slaying?    And  for 

33 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

such  precepts  to  be  called  holy,  was  not  truth  itself 
thereby  slain?  .  .  . 

This  new  table,  O  my  brethren,  put  I  up  over 
you:    Become  hard.  .  .  . 

Nietzsche,  "Thus  Spake  Zarathustra,"  translated  by 
Thomas  Common,  Macmillan  (1911),  pp.  52,  242,  243,  246, 
262. 

German  and  French  traits 

It  is  wise  for  a  people  to  pose,  and  let  itself  be 
regarded  as  profound,  clumsy,  good-natured,  hon- 
est and  foolish ;  it  might  even  be  profound  to  do  so ! 
Finally,  we  should  do  honor  to  our  name — we  are 
not  c^^lled  the  ''tiusche  Volk"  (deceptive  people) 
for  nothing. 

The  European  noblesse — of  sentiment,  taste  and 
manners,  taking  the  word  in  every  high  sense — is 
the  work  and  invention  of  France.  .  .  . 

Even  at  present  France  is  still  the  seat  of  the 
most  intellectual  and  refined  culture  of  Europe,  it 
is  still  the  high  school  of  taste. 

Nietzsche,  "Beyond  Good  and  Evil,"  translated  by  Helen 
Zimmern,  Macmillan  (1914),  pp.  200,  213. 

I  even  feel  it  my  duty  to  tell  the  Germans,  for 
once  in  a  way,  all  that  they  have  on  their  conscience. 
Every  great  crime  against  culture  for  the  last  four 
centuries  lies  on  their  conscience.  .  .  .  And  always 
for  the  same  reason,  alw-ays  owing  to  their  bottom- 
less cowardice  in  the  face  of  reality,  which  is  also 
cowardice  in  the  face  of  truth ;  always  owing  to  the 
love  of  falsehood  which  has  become  almost  in- 
stinctive in  them.  .  .  . 

"German  intellect"  is  my  foul  air :  I  breathe  with 
34 


UTTERANCES  OF  PHILOSOPHERS 

difficulty  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  psychological 
uncleanliness  that  has  now  become  instinctive — an 
uncleanliness  which  in  every  word  and  expression 
betrays  a  German.  They  have  never  undergone  a 
seventeenth  century  of  hard  self-examination,  as 
the  French  have — a  La  Rochefoucauld,  a  Descartes, 
are  a  thousand  times  more  upright  than  the  very 
first  among  Germans — the  latter  have  not  yet  had 
any  psychologists.  But  psychology  is  almost  the 
standard  of  measurement  for  the  cleanliness  or  un- 
cleanliness of  a  race.  .  .  .  For  if  a  man  is  not  even 
clean,  how  can  he  be  deep?  That  which  is  called 
"deep"  in  Germany  is  precisely  this  instinctive  un- 
cleanliness toward  one*s  self,  of  which  I  have  just 
spoken :  people  refuse  to  be  clear  in  regard  to  their 
own  natures. 

Nietzsche,  "Ecce  Homo,"  translated  by  A.  M.  Ludovici, 
Macmillan  (1911),  pp.  124,  127. 


The  philosophy  of  war 

Were  disputes  between  States  to  be  determined 
by  a  court  and  by  compulsion  .  exercised  by  su- 
perior power,  all  the  States  subjected  to  *such  a 
court  would  cease  to  be  States.  The  suppression 
of  war  would  imply  the  suppression  of  all  States 
and  the  remolding  of  civilized  humanity  into  a  sin- 
gle political  system.  .  .  .  Separate  States  are  there- 
fore by  nature  in  a  state  of  war  with  each  other. 
Conflict  must  be  regarded  as  the  essence  of  their 
relations  and  as  the  rule,  friendship  as  accidental 
and  exceptional. 

In  conflicts  between  individuals,  as  in  conflicts 
35 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

between  States  ...  so  long  as  men  are  endowed 
with  free  will,  compulsion  alone  can  secure  justice. 
...  If  the  adversary's  power  of  resistance  is  ex- 
hausted, if  actual  possession  of  the  object  in  dis- 
pute is  obtained,  or  if  one  party  is  compelled  to  ac- 
cept the  will  and  pleasure  of  the  other,  the  contro- 
versy is  determined.  The  new  state  of  things  there- 
by established  demands  the  same  respect  as  the 
state  of  things  that  obtained  before  the  conflict. 
In  the  intercourse  of  State  with  State  there  are 
y^    \    no  laws,  and  there  can  be  none.  .  .  . 

War  is  a  fundamental  institution  of  the  State, 
and  in  the  entire  structure  of  the  political  organism 
military  objects  have  an  important  place.  Every- 
thing in  the  State  must  be  calculated  for  the  possi- 
bility of  war.  ...  A  State  without  adequate  prepa- 
ration for  war  would  no  longer  be  a  State,  because 
it  would  have  neglected  the  most  important  of  its 
duties. 
v^  ;  A  war  may  be  waged  for  political  interests,  but 
^  "'  never  for  an  "idea."  This  would  mean  the  sub- 
version of  every  solid  principle  on  which  the  life 
of  the  State  is  based. 

The  poet  seeking  to  express  the  character  of  an 
age  or  of  a  nation  can  find  no  better  figure  for  his 
purpose  than  that  of  the  warrior,  who  gives  visible 
expression  to  his  personal  worth,  whose  every  step 
threatens  the  ruin  of  a  world,  whose  decisions  are 
reflected  in  the  complicated  movements  of  armies, 
whose  every  thought  sets  cities  aflame,  hurls  nations 
in  the  dust,  devastates  territories  and  routs  hostile 
hosts. 

In    politics    decisions    may    be    postponed,    but 

36 


UTTERANCES  OF  PHILOSOPHERS 

when  the  opportunity  presents  itself,  let  him  who 
has  the  power  and  feels  himself  prepared  cut  the 
knot  with  the  sword.  For  great  historical  ques- 
tions this  is  the  only  rational  and  permanent  so- 
lution. 

Lasson,  "Das  Culturideal  und  der  Krieg"  (1868),  pp. 
11-13,  31-32,  61,  105,  130. 

"Dictates  of  prudence" 

Between  States  there  is  but  one  sort  of  right —  /  / 
the  right  of  the  stronger  .  .  .  and  therefore  it  is  j  ^ 
quite  in  accordance  with  reason  that  wars  are  waged 
between  States.  ...  It  does  not  follow  that  their 
relations  are  purely  unreasonable  and  arbitrary.  As 
in  the  case  of  the  individual  .  .  .  the  will  of  the 
State  is  that  of  a  rational  being  .  .  .  which  natural- 
ly desires  the  advantageous,  the  expedient,  and  only 
occasionally  the  opposite.  Every  individual  seeks 
primarily  .  .  .  his  own  advantage,  that  which  pro- 
motes his  existence,  even  at  the  cost  of  another  and 
of  many  others.  He  cannot  be  required  to  be  con- 
siderate beyond  the  obligations  imposed  upon  him 
by  law,  to  spare  his  fellows,  to  display  pity  or  good 
will.  Here  it  is  simply  a  dictate  of  prudence,  con- 
sideration of  his  own  permanent  advantage,  that 
bids  him  place  any  further  limitations  upon  his 
actions.  .  .  .  The  simple  expression  of  the  dictate 
of  prudence  is  not  to  harm  any  one,  even  if  you 
have  the  law  on  your  side,  unless  the  result  is  an 
overbalancing  and  permanent  advantage  for  your- 
self. 

If  the  State  is  to  endure,  its  first  task  is  to  main- 
37 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

C  tain  its  power,  for  despite  all  treaties  the  weak  is 
y^  Y  the  prey  of  the  strong,  so  soon  as  the  latter  has  the 
will  and  the  power.  ...  If  that  which  is  suitable 
and  reasonable  in  any  given  field  of  will  and  action 
is  to  be  described  as  in  the  broader  sense  moral, 
then  in  the  relations  between  States  this  right  of 
the  stronger  may  be  said  to  be  moral. 

Lasson,  ibid.,  pp.  14,  17,  18. 

Intervention 

An  attempt  has  been  made  to  remove  many  of 
the  occasions  that  may  give  rise  to  war  by  setting 
up  the  general  principle  that  no  State  is  to  inter- 
fere with  the  internal  affairs  of  another  State. 
Stated  so  broadly,  the  principle  of  non-intervention 
is  absolutely  senseless.  ...  If  in  consequence  of  a 
change  that  occurs  in  the  other  State  or  of  a  con- 
dition of  things  that  is  maintained  there  .  .  .  the 
life  of  our  own  State  is  essentially  and  injuriously 
affected  .  .  .  there  is  unquestionably  cause  of  war, 
provided  a  favorable  result  can  be  attained  by  war. 
^  ...  If  intervention  .  .  .  promises  success,  not  only 
^  is  it  justified,  but  it  may  even  become  the  duty  of 

(  the  State  to  itself. 

Lasson,  ibid.,  p.  82. 

Treaties 

^    (       There  is  no  legal  obligation  upon  a  State  to  ob- 

'^  '   serve  treaties,  but  there  is  a  dictate  of  far-sighted 

prudence.  ...  A  State  cannot  commit  a  crime.  The 

greatest  fault  with  which  it  can  be  charged  is  a  lack 

of  far-sighted  prudence.  .  .  .  Treaty  rights  are  gov- 

38 


UTTERANCES  OF  PHILOSOPHERS 

crned  wholly  by  considerations  of  advantage.  .  .  . 

The  State  that  breaks  a  treaty  commits  an  act  of 
war;  it  acts  unwisely  if  it  provokes  the  decision  of 
arms  without  being  assured  of  its  superior  power. 
If  assured  of  this,  the  State  may  pursue  its  interest ; 
for  between  States  no  law  obtains  but  that  of  the 
stronger.  .  .  . 

Lasson,  ibid.,  pp.  15,  16. 

Little  States  and  weak  peoples 

A  so-called  small  State  is  not  a  State  at  all,  but 
only  a  tolerated  community,  which  absurdly  pre- 
tends to  be  a  State.  .  .  .  There  may  be  greater  and 
lesser  States.    The  lesser  States  have  rights  only  in   ^ 
so  far  as  they  possess  a  power  of  resistance  that      Y 
must  be  taken  into  account,  in  so  far  as  they  are     -^ 
desirable  allies  or  respectable  adversaries.    The  lit-  ^ 
tie  State,  however,  that  is  obliged  to  base  its  hope 
of  existence  on  the  belief  that  it  will  not  be  attacked 
for  fear  that  another  State  will   intervene,   is   no 
State  at  all,  but  the  vassal  of  the  State  to  which  it 
looks  for  protection,  and  by  whose  magnanimity  it 
lives. 

The  right  of  living  in  political  independence  is 
not  innate  in  a  people ;  it  must  rather  be  acquired  by 
strenuous  labor.  ...  A  people  of  the  highest  cul- 
ture, but  of  a  culture  that  proves  unfavorable  to 
the  State  with  its  rigid  concentration  of  effort,  and 
consequently  also  to  warlike  action,  must  perforce 
and  in  all  justice  obey  the  barbarian  who  possesses 
a  greater  capacity  for  political  and  military  organ- 
ization. .  .  .  An  order  of  things  in  which  physical 

39 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

strength,  not  spiritual  value,  wins  the  victory  seems 
irrational.  But  a  form  of  culture  that  is  not  able 
to  found  a  State  resting  safely  on  itself  and  its 
power  shows  itself  to  be  of  doubtful  moral  value. 
.  .  .  Culture  exists  for  the  purpose  of  making  itself 
effective  as  power. 

Nobody  is  forced  to  be  a  slave.  He  who  cannot 
endure  slavery  finds  a  road  of  escape  always  open 
in  the  sacrifice  of  life.     Let  war  decide. 

The  weak  are  prone  to  cherish  a  comforting  be- 
lief in  the  inviolability  of  the  treaties  that  assure 
them  their  miserable  existence.  But  one  of  the 
functions  of  war  is  to  prove  to  them  that  a  treaty 
may  be  a  bad  one,  that  circumstances  may  have 
changed.  There  is  only  one  guaranty:  adequate 
military  force. 

[Citizens  of  certain  non-military  States  think 
themselves  "free"  because  they  have  no  duties  to 
fulfill.]  These  so-called  States  exist  only  by  a  fic- 
tion; they  ai-e  animated  by  no  higher  sentiment 
than  the  jealous  hatred  which  the  smaller  feels  for 
his  greater  neighbor,  whose  place  he  would  like  to 
occupy. 

[There  are  those  who  speak]  of  a  so-called  right 
of  peoples  to  decide  their  own  destiny.  .  ,  .  To  per- 
mit a  people  or,  to  be  more  correct,  a  fraction  of  a 
people,  to  settle  international  questions,  such  as 
their  assignment  to  such  and  such  a  State,  would 
be  like  permitting  the  children  of  a  household  to 
elect  their  father.  .  .  .  No  shallower  or  falser  no- 
tion was  ever  conceived  by  the  Latin  brain. 

Lasson,  ibid.,  pp.  13,  14,  71,  72,  75,  98,  99,  100. 
40 


UTTERANCES  OF  HISTORIANS 

"Culture"  versus  civilization 

The  higher  the  development  of  culture,  the  more 
energetically  a  people  insists  upon  the  national 
State.  In  the  creation  of  this  State  .  .  .  other 
States  that  resist  this  ideal  must  be  destroyed. 
This,  of  course,  can  be  effected  only  through  vio- 
lence. 

There  is  a  great  difference  between  the  require- 
ments of  culture  and  those  of  civilization.  Civiliza- 
tion almost  always  demands  for  its  development 
peaceful  rivalry  and  cooperation.  .  .  .  Civilization 
is  everywhere  the  same:  within  it  are  quantitative 
differences  only.  .  .  .  Between  one  culture  and  an- 
other there  are  always  qualitative  differences.  .  .  . 
They  may  supplement,  but  they  may  also  contra- 
dict one  another.  .  .  .  Every  nation  believes  in  it- 
self .  .  .  each  considers  its  way  the  best.  .  .  .  In- 
tensive development  of  culture  leads  to  national 
hatreds.  ...  To  demand  of  nations  that  have  real 
cultures  .  .  .  that  these  shall  develop  in  peace  and 
without  conflict  is  to  demand  the  impossible,  to  sub- 
vert the  order  of  nature,  to  set  up  a  false  idol  in 
the  place  of  real  morality.  This  demand  for  the 
peaceful  rivalry  of  States  ...  is  either  an  empty 
phrase  in  the  mouth  of  simpletons,  or  a  deliberate 
and  hypocritical  lie. 

Lasson,  ibid.,  pp.  66,  ^g. 

The  State  is  power 

The  State  is,  first  of  all,  power  to  assert  itself. 
Trcitschke  "Politik,"  vol.  i,  p.  32. 
41 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Absurdity  of  little  States 

If  we  look  at  the  matter  more  closely,  it  is  clear 
f  that,  if  the  State  is  power,  only  the  State  which  is 
really  powerful  is  true  to  type.    Hence  the  obvious 
element  of  the  ridiculous  that  attaches  to  the  exist- 
ence of  small  States. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  43. 

Few  persons  reflect  nowadays  how  ludicrous  it 
is  that  Belgium  should  pride  itself  on  being  the 
center  of  the  science  of  international  law.  ...  A 
State  which  is  in  an  abnormal  situation  must  give 
rise  to  an  abnormal  misconstruction  of  interna- 
tional law.  Belgium  is  neutral,  it  is  mutilated  by 
its  very  nature ;  how  should  a  sound  law  of  nations 
take  form  in  such  a  State? 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  548-549. 


Destiny  of  little  States 

Times  are  changed.  Empires  rise  and  grow 
strong,  and  little  commonwealths  and  principalities 
cease  to  be  States.  For  no  State  deserves  the  name 
that  has  not  in  itself  independence,  that  is  not  capa- 
ble of  forming  its  own  purposes,  asserting  itself, 
and  enforcing  its  own  rights. 

Niebuhr,  cited  by  Treitschke,  in  "Zehn  Jahre  deutscher 
Kampfe,"  p.  35. 

In  the  sweeping  away  of  little  crowns  we  seo 
accomplished  an  act  of  simple  historical  necessity. 
He  who  has  not  yet  learned  from  the  past  of  all 

42 


UTTERANCES  OF  HISTORIANS 

European  peoples  that  petty  States  have  no  place 
among  nations  of  ripened  culture,  that  the  trend  of 
history  points  to  the  conglomeration  of  great  na- 
tional masses — such  an  one  must  at  last  open  his 
eyes  in  view  of  the  experiences  of  these  pregnant 
weeks   [in  1866]. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  p.   114. 

Prussia  and  Germany 

Censure  of  Prussia  .  .  .  will  not  cease  until  Prus- 
sia's great  future  is  realized,  when  all  the  German 
peoples  are  united  under  the  Prussian  crown.  .  .  . 

The  most  important  practical  progress  that  Ger- 
man unity  has  achieved  ...  I  find  in  the  fact  that 
Prussia  has  grown  to  be  a  great  power  and  has 
persistently  incorporated  in  its  strong  body  little 
States  that  had  lived  out  their  lives. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  pp.  18,  29. 

The  Emperor  William  I  said  once  to  Bismarck, 
in  a  moment  of  irritation  .  .  .  "Why  talk  of  the 
Empire?  The  Empire  is  nothing  but  an  expanded 
Prussia."  That  was  said  with  soldierly  roughness, 
but  it  is  true. 

Treitschke,  'Tolitik,"  vol.  i,  p.  40. 

Political  morality 

It  is  necessary  to  distinguish  between  public  and 
private  morality.  Since  the  State  is  power,  the  rel- 
ative importance  of  duties  must  be  quite  different 
for  it  and  for  the  individual.  In  the  case  of  the 
State,  a  great  number  of  duties  that  rest  upon  the 

43 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

individual  are  unthinkable.  For  the  State,  self- 
assertion  is  the  greatest  of  the  commandments;  for 
it,  this  is  absolutely  moral.  And  for  this  reason  it 
must  be  declared  that  of  all  political  sins  the  most 
\^  abominable  and  the  most  contemptible  is  weak- 
ness; this  is,  in  politics,  the  sin  against  the  Holy 
Ghost. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  pp.  loo-ioi, 

...  In  their  intercourse  with  each  other,  States 
have  frequently  lived  for  decades  in  a  condition  of 
veiled  hostility,  and  it  is  quite  evident  that  this 
state  of  latent  war  justifies  many  diplomatic  ruses. 
Take  the  negotiations  between  Bismarck  and  Bene- 
detti.  Bismarck  hoped  that  a  great  war  might  per- 
haps after  all  be  avoided;  Benedetti  came  forward 
with  shameless  demands;  was  not  Bismarck  acting 
morally  in  the  fullest  sense  when  he  put  off  Bene- 
detti with  half  promises  of  possible  German  con- 
cessions? Under  such  conditions  of  latent  war  we 
may  use  the  same  arguments  to  defend  recourse  to 
bribery  as  against  another  State.  It  is  absurd  to 
bluster  about  morality  in  the  face  of  such  circum- 
stances, or  to  expect  a  State  to  confront  them  with 
a  catechism  in  its.  hand. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.   107. 


Value  of  treaties 

Every  treaty  is  a  voluntary  limitation  which  the 
State  imposes  on  itself;  and  all  international  treat- 
ies are  written  with  the  saving  clause:  rebus  sic 
stantibus  (the  situation  remaining  unchanged).     A 

44 


UTTERANCES  OF  HISTOllIANS 

State  cannot  bind  its  will  for  the  future  as  against 
another  State.  The  State  has  no  superior  judge  over 
itself,  and  it  will  conclude  all  its  treaties  with  this 
tacit  reservation. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  pp.  37-38. 

Necessity  and  sublimity  of  war 

The  establishment  of  an  international  court  of 
arbitration  as  a  permanent  institution  is  irrecon- 
cilable with  the  nature  of  the  State.  .  .  .  To  the  end 
of  history  weapons  will  maintain  their  right;  and 
precisely  herein  lies  the  sanctity  of  war. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  pp.  38-39. 

The  living  God  will  take  care  that  war  shall 
always  return  as  a  terrible  medicine  for  the  human 
race. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  78. 

All  the  peace-pipe  smokers  in  the  world  will  not 
bring  it  to  pass  that  political  Powers  shall  ever 
be  of  one  mind,  and  if  they  are  not  the  sword  alone 
can  decide  between  them.  We  have  learned  to 
recognize  the  moral  majesty  of  war  precisely  in 
those  of  its  characteristics  which  to  superficial  ob- 
servers seem  brutal  and  inhuman.  That  for  the 
sake  of  the  Fatherland  the  natural  sentiment  of 
humanity  is  to  be  suppressed  .  .  .  this  at  the  first 
glance  is  the  terrible  side  of  war,  but  it  is  at  the 
same  time  its  grandeur.  It  is  not  his  life  alone  that 
man  is  called  upon  to  sacrifice  but  also  the  natural 
and  most  profoundly  justified  emotions  of  the  hu- 
man soul.     He  is  to  sacrifice  his  entire  ego  to  a 

45 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

great  patriotic  idea.     That  is  the  morally  sublime 
element  in  war. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  361-362. 

.  .  .  The  bestial  cruelties  committed  by  the  Ba- 
varian troops   [in  1866].  .  .  . 

Treitschke,  "Zehn  Jahre  deutscher  Kampfe,"  p.  161. 


Importance  of  an  "irritable  sense  of  honor" 

Whoever  attacks  the  honor  of  a  State  even  in 
externals,  thereby  impugns  the  essential  character 
of  the  State.  To  attribute  to  the  State  a  too  irrita- 
ble sense  of  honor  is  to  ignore  the  moral  laws  of 
politics.  A  State  must  have  a  very  highly  devel- 
oped sense  of  honor  if  it  is  not  to  be  false  to  its 
nature.  It  is  not  a  violet  that  blooms  in  the  shade ; 
its  power  is  to  be  displayed  proudly  and  brilliantly ; 
it  cannot  permit  this  power  to  be  questioned  even 
symbolically. 

Treitschke,  "Politik,"  vol.   ii,  p.  550. 

World  power 

The  whole  development  of  our  society  of  States 
unmistakably  tends  to  depress  the  States  of  second 
rank.  Even  for  us,  if  we  take  into  account  the  world 
outside  of  Europe,  this  tendency  reveals  extremely 
serious  prospects.  In  the  division  of  the  non-Euro- 
pean world  among  the  European  powers  Germany 
has  always  hitherto  failed  to  get  its  share;  and  the 
question  whether  we  can  become  an  oversea  Power 
involves  our  existence  as  a  Power  of  the  first  rank. 

46 


UTTERANCES  OF  HISTORIANS 

If  we  cannot,  we  face  the  horrible  prospect  that 
England  and  Russia  will  divide  the  world  between 
them.  ... 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  pp.  42-43. 

The  whole  position  of  Germany  depends  on  the 
question  how  many  millions  of  men  will  in  the  fu- 
ture speak  German.  .  .  . 

It  is  easily  conceivable  that  a  country  that  has 
no  colonies  will  no  longer  be  counted  among  the 
European  Great  Powers,  however  powerful  it  may 
be  in  other  respects.  For  this  reason  we  must  not 
let  ourselves  drift  into  that  condition  of  rigidity 
which  results  from  a  purely  continental  policy. 
The  result  of  our  next  victorious  war  must,  if  pos- 
sible, be  the  acquisition  of  something  in  the  way 
of  a  colony. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.   i,  pp.   123-124. 


Confessions 

To  German  doctrinarianism  nothing  is  impossi- 
ble. 
Treitschke,  "Historische  Aufsatze,"  vol.  ii,  p.  553. 

We  would  give  a  great  deal  if  in  Berlin  they  did 
not  understand  the  art  of  debasing  the  value  of 
famous   deeds   of  arms  by  boastful  words. 

Treitschke,  "Zehn  Jahre  deutscher  Kampfe,"  p.  26. 

In  Prussia  they  have  a  fatal  facility  of  giving 
offense  to  the  people  of  newly  annexed  countries. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  p.  54. 

47 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Warnings? 

In  the  inexorable  justice  of  history,  they  who 
lusted  to  rule  the  world  were  cast  under  the  feet 
of  the  stranger. 

Treitschke  (writing  of  the  Thirty  Years*  War), 
"Deutsche  Geschichte,"  vol  i,  p.  5. 

An  inscrutably  wise  Providence  chastises  nations 
through  the  very  gifts  they  have  sinfully  misused.'*' 
Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  22. 

II.   SINCE  THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  WORLD  WAR 


A  war  of  anticipation 

Bernhardi's  brave  books  pointed  out,  in  correct 
anticipation  of  events,  the  necessity  of  grasping  the 
sword  before  the  conspiracy  that  menaced  Germany 
came  to  the  point  of  action. 

Prof.  Th.  Schiemann,  "Ein  Verleumder :  Glossen  zur 
Vorgeschichte  des  Weltkrieges'*  (1915),  p.  6.  This  pam- 
phlet is  a  reply  to  "J'accuse";  see  below  p.  240. 


Stepping-stones  to  world  power 

We  cannot  conduct  world  politics  on  an  equal 
basis  with  other  Powers  so  long  as  we  are  limited 
to  our  present  geographical  position.  .  .  .  England 
must  no  longer  be  permitted  to  cut  us  off  from 
our  dominions  across  the  sea.    The  coasts  in  every 

*  In  1914  Mr.  Balfour  said :  "Germany  has  known  how  to 
organize  power,  but  she  has  not  known  how  to  use  it." 

48 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

part  of  the  world,  except  where,  as  in  America, 
they  are  able  to  protect  themselves,  must  be  brought 
under  the  guns  of  our  ships,  just  as  under  those  of 
England.  .  .  .  This  means  that  the  boundaries  of 
the  old,  great  and  entire  Germany,  which  are  now 
again  shining  in  the  red  dawn  of  war,  must  be  per- 
manently retained.  Above  all  things,  we  must  get 
to  the  Channel.  .  .  .  We  have  occupied  Belgium 
against  France,  we  need  it  against  England.  The 
Channel  is  the  most  decisively  important  trade  route 
of  Europe ;  one  of  its  coasts  (since  the  other  cannot 
be  wrested  from  England)  must  be  ours.  There  the 
frontier  against  France  is  not  to  be  drawn  as  it 
now  runs,  but  further  south,  as  it  ran  under  Charles 
V.  .  .  .  The  old  frontiers  of  Lorraine  and  Bur- 
gimdy  apparently  anticipated  the  extent  of  terri- 
tory which  our  strategists  will  today  deem  it  ad- 
visable to  annex  to  the  Empire  at  the  cost  o£ 
France.  .  .  . 

Prof.  Martin  Spahn,  in  "Hochland,"  Heft  i  (October, 
1914),  pp.  25,  26. 

Let  us  confess  openly  that  it  is  not  simply  the 
coercion  of  our  needs  in  world  trade  that  makes  us 
England's  rival.  It  lies  in  the  nature  of  our  nation 
to  strive  out  of  and  beyond  the  boundaries  of  its 
present  power.  At  bottom,  it  has  never  fitted  into 
the  cramped  relations  of  the  Continental  West,  as 
a  State  side  by  side  with  other  States.  .  .  .  The 
German  nation  is  stronger  than  the  other  nations  of 
the  West.  Should  it  unfold  all  its  forces,  merely  to 
gain  political  power  in  the  West,  it  might  well 
crush  the  other  nations.     It  is  only  since  the  field 

49 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

of  political  activity  open  to  western  peoples  has 
expanded  beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  West  that 
room  is  given  us  to  attain  a  political  influence  cor- 
responding to  our  strength,  without  being  obliged, 
for  this  purpose,  to  take  from  the  other  civilized 
peoples  in  our  part  of  the  earth  light  and  air  for 
breathing  and  for  thriving.  .  .  . 

As  one  of  the  Great  Powers  we  can  and  must 
have  further  growth :  we  must  grow  into  a  World 
Power.  .  .  . 

Is  Belgium  to  remain  an  outpost  of  England  .  .  . 
permitting  England  at  any  moment  to  set  foot  on 
the  Continent,  while  on  the  other  hand  it  hinders  us 
from  disturbing  the  English  control  of  the  Chan- 
nel? ...  If  we  had  coast  against  coast,  we  should 
be  on  even  terms  with  England,  as  we  are  on  even 
terms  with  the  Great  Powers  of  the  Continent.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Timid,  doubting  voices  .  .  .  warn  us  against 
all  thought  of  expansion  of  our  frontiers,  because 
the  Empire  might  be  obliged  to  add  to  the  number 
of  its  subjects  of  foreign  speech.  .  .  .  All  great 
States  rest  on  a  basis  of  some  nationality.  But 
what  is  nationality?  .  .  . 

In  any  case  the  requirements  of  foreign  policy 
take  precedence  over  those  of  domestic  policy.  All 
that  a  Great  Power  needs  in  extent  of  territory,  in 
the  way  of  favorable  situation  and  strategic  bound- 
aries, all  that  a  World  Power  needs  besides,  in  order 
to  gain  free  movement  in  the  trade  of  the  world  and 
to  secure  its  progress  against  rivals  at  sea — all  this 
must  be  attained  for  our  Empire.  .  .  . 

Prof.  Martin  Spahn,  "Im  Kampf  um  unsere  Zukunft" 
(1915).  pp.  57-^3. 

50 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

A  pax  Germanica 

Voices  have  recently  been  heard  warning  against 
exaggerated  claims  and  exhorting  us  to  modera- 
tion. We  are  to  seek  no  acquisition  of  territory,  no 
expansion;  we  are  to  be  satisfied  to  maintain  the 
balance  of  power  on  land  and  to  establish  a  balance 
of  power  on  the  sea.  It  is  assumed  that  we  shall 
obtain  this  aim,  if,  after  this  war,  we  continue  to 
exist  as  a  Sea  Power,  against  the  will  of  England. 
According  to  this  view  we  might  conclude  peace  at 
any  moment  on  the  basis  of  the  status  quo  ante. 

It  would  be  very  lamentable  if  such  views  were 
diffused  through  the  nation.  If  the  maintenance 
of  the  balance  of  power  should  be  the  result  of  this 
war,  we  would  have  waged  it  in  vain.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  We  hope  ...  to  become  strong  enough  to 
give  our  Continent  a  pax  Germanica,  a  German  peace. 

Prof.  J.  Halle,  in  the  Tubingen  War  Essays,  "Durch 
Kampf  zum  Frieden,"  Heft  i  (1914),  pp.  23,  28. 

The  decision  regarding  the  future  of  our  colonies 
will  not  be  reached  in  Africa  or  in  southern  waters, 
but  in  Europe.  .  .  .  When  our  Zeppelins  shall  fly 
over  London,  like  eagles  seeking  their  prey ;  when 
our  submarines  .  .  .  shall  drive,  contemptuous  of 
death,  against  the  dreadnoughts,  as  if  their  aim  was 
to  breach  the  walls  of  Liege;  when  our  cruisers, 
such  as  the  Emden,  like  flying  Dutchmen  become 
the  terror  of  the  North  Sea — then  only  will  come 
the  time  of  accounting.  Then  will  dawn  the  day  of 
a  new  great  German  colonial  policy,  and  new  colo- 
nial maps  will  be  wanted. 

51 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Prof.  Carl  Mirbt,  "Der  Kampf  urn  unsere  Kolonien" 
(1914),  p.  20. 

Cultured  correspondence 

The  following  letters  of  Professor  Lasson  appeared  in 
the  "Amsterdammer,"  a  Dutch  weekly  review.  They  were 
published  anonymously  in  the  issue  of  October  11,  1914 
(no.  1946,  page  7,  col.  123),  with  a  statement  that  their 
author  was  "a  professor  of  philosophy  and  higher  educa- 
tion, very  well  known  in  Germany."  They  were  repub- 
lished in  the  Paris  Temps  (November  24,  1914). 


Berlin,  September  2^,  1914. 
Dear  Sir  and  Friend  : 

For  months  I  have  not  written  to  a  single  for- 
eigner; a  foreigner  is  an  enemy  until  he  is  proved 
to  be  a  friend.  It  is  impossible  to  remain  neutral 
tow^ard  Germany  and  the  German  people.  Either 
one  looks  upon  Germany  as  the  most  perfect  po- 
litical creation  know^n  to  history,  or  else  one  be- 
lieves it  should  be  destroyed,  wiped  out.  No  one 
but  a  German  understands  Germany.  We  are  mor- 
ally and  intellectually  superior  to  other  nations; 
we  are  without  equals.  The  same  is  true  of  our 
organization  and   our  institutions. 

William  II,  deliciae  generis  humani,  has  always 
protected  peace,  justice  and  honor,  although  his 
power  would  have  enabled  him  to  crush  all  opposi- 
tion. The  greater  his  successes,  the  more  modest 
he  becomes.  His  Chancellor,  Herr  von  Bethmann- 
Hollweg,  the  most  eminent  of  men  now  living, 
knows  no  higher  cares  than  those  of  truth,  loyalty 
and  right.     Our  army  is,  so  to  speak,  a   smaller 

52 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

model  of  the  intelligence  and  morality  of  the  Ger- 
man people.  We  are  forced  to  sacrifice  our  best 
and  our  noblest  in  a  war  against  Russian  brutes, 
English  hirelings  and  Belgian  fanatics.  The  French 
are  still  the  nearest  to  us.  We  shall  have  no  peace 
until  those  three  European  mischief-makers  are 
crushed.  .  .  . 

England  pursues  a  policy  that  recalls  the  policies 
of  European  States  in  the  eighteenth  century.  Ger- 
many, on  the  contrary,  has  taught  the  world  that 
politics  may  be  conducted  conscientiously  and  war 
waged  with  loyalty.  England  is  on  the  road  to 
ruin.  France  may  still  be  saved.  As  for  Russia!, 
she  must  no  longer  be  our  neighbor.  This  time  we 
shall  wipe  the  slate  clean.  Our  real  enemy  is  Eng- 
land. Woe  to  thee,  Albion!  God  is  with  us  and 
defends  our  just  cause! 


Berlin,  September  jo,  1^14. 

Dear  Sir  and  Friend  : 

Allow  me  to  give  you  a  few  more  hints  that  will 
help  you  to  understand  a  cultured  German's  way 
of  thinking.  We  Germans  are  powerfully  armed, 
partly  to  protect  Holland.  Were  we  not  so  strong, 
Holland  would  long  ago  have  been  annexed.  She 
is  unable  to  protect  herself.  This  little  Kingdom 
leads  a  quiet  life  at  our  expense ;  it  lives  on  its  past 
glory  and  on  money  accumulated  long  ago.  It  is 
only  an  appendix  to  Germany.  Its  life  is  a  com- 
fortable one;  it  is  a  dressing-gown-and-slippers  life 
that  demands  little  trouble,  few  efforts  and  few 
thoughts.     If  this  life  satisfies  you,  so  much  the 

53 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

better.  As  for  the  German,  he  has  higher  duties 
and  higher  aspirations. 

Today,  Holland  may  think  what  she  pleases ;  but 
any  hostile  action  against  the  German  Empire  would 
have  the  most  serious  consequences. 

For  the  Holland  of  today  we  Germans  have  lit- 
tle respect  or  sympathy.  Aside  from  the  support 
we  give  them,  we  ought  to  thank  God  that  the  Hol- 
landers are  not  our  friends.  We  draw  deep  into 
our  lungs  the  great  breath  of  history.  This  mis- 
erable bourgeois  existence  is  not  for  us. 

I  greet  you  most  cordially,  and  wish  most  sin- 
cerely that  you  might  live,  as  I  do,  in  a  "State  of 
the  Mighty." 

German  plans  and  "atavistic  instincts" 

Professor  Wilhelm  Ostwald,  one  of  the  most  active 
agents  of  German  propaganda  in  Sweden,  gave  to  the 
Stockholm  "Dagen"  an  interview,  from  which  the  follow- 
ing extracts  were  published  in  the  Paris  "Temps"  (No- 
vember 26,  1914)  : 

You  ask  me  what  Germany  plans.  Well,  then, 
Germany  plans  to  organize  Europe,  for  until  now 
Europe  has  not  been  organized.  Germany  plans 
to  work  along  new  lines  in  order  to  realize  the  idea 
of  collective  labor. 

How  does  Germany  propose  to  work  out  her 
plans  of  organization  in  the  West?  She  will  de- 
mand that  the  German  and  the  Frenchman  be  wel- 
comed, each  in  the  other's  country;  that  they  be 
permitted  to  work  and  to  acquire  property  under 
exactly  the  same  conditions  as  the  inhabitants  of 
the  country. 

54 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

In  the  East,  Germany  will  create  a  confederation 
of  States,  a  sort  of  Baltic  confederation,  which 
should  embrace  the  Scandinavian  States,  Finland 
and  the  Baltic  provinces.  Finally,  Poland  will 
be  torn  away  from  Russia  and  made  into  a  new  in- 
dependent State.  I  believe  the  time  has  come  to 
rearrange  the  map  of  Europe. 

Q.  What  do  you  think  of  the  growing  part 
played  by  the  different  churches  in  the  countries 
which  up  till  now  have  had  to  suffer  from  invasion? 

A.  This  is  a  result  which  it  has  not  been  possi- 
ble to  avoid.  In  many  fields  the  present  situation 
necessarily  rouses  atavistic  instincts.  I  will  say, 
however,  that  in  our  country  God  the  Father  is 
reserved  for  the  personal  use  of  the  Emperor.  In 
one  instance  He  was  mentioned  in  a  report  of  the 
General  Staff,  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that  He  has  not 
appeared  there  a  second  time. 

Europe  under  German  hegemony 

In  my  view  the  following  fruits  of  victory  are 
highly  desirable  for  the  future  of  Germany,  and  at 
the  same  time  for  the  future  of  federated  Conti- 
nental Europe:  (i)  Liberation  from  the  tyranny 
of  England.  (2)  As  a  necessary  means  to  this  end, 
invasion  of  the  British  Pirate  State  by  the  German 
navy  and  army,  occupation  of  London.  (3)  Divi- 
sion of  Belgium:  the  largest  part,  as  far  west  as 
Antwerp  and  Ostend,  a  State  in  the  German 
Empire;  the  northern  part  to  Holland;  the 
eastern  part  to  Luxemburg — also,  thus  enlarged,  a 
State  in  the  German  Empire.    (4)  Germany  obtains 

55 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

a  great  part  of  the  British  colonies  as  well  as  the 
Congo  State.  (5)  France  must  cede  a  portion  of 
her  neighboring  northeastern  provinces.  (6)  Rus- 
sia is  to  be  made  powerless,  by  restoring  the  king- 
dom of  Poland  and  connecting  this  with  Austria- 
Hungary.  (7)  the  German  Baltic  provinces  revert 
to  the  German  Empire.  (8)  Finland  becomes  an 
independent  Kingdom  and  is  to  be  connected  with 
Sweden.  .  .  . 

Ernest  Haeckel  in  "Das  Monistische  Jahrhundert/*  no. 
31-32  (Nov.  16,  1914),  p.  657. 

This  was  Haeckers  reply  to  a  circular  sent  out  by  the 
President  of  the  "Monistenbund,"  inquiring:  "What  is 
your  attitude  towards  Ostwald's  views?"  In  one  of  his 
"Monistische  Sonntagspredigten"  (no.  11-12,  Sept.  15, 
1914),  under  the  title  "Europe  under  German  Leadership," 
Prof.  Ostwald  had  expressed  the  hope  that  a  union  of 
the  States  of  Europe  might  be  formed  with  the  German 
Emperor  at  its  head,  Germany  with  its  superior  military- 
organization  guaranteeing  protection  against  the  East. 
The  issues  of  "Das  Monistische  Jahrhundert"  dealing  with 
this  proposal  were  subsequently  placed  under  an  embargo : 
they  were  not  permitted  to  be*  sent  out  of  Germany.  See 
Grumbach,  "Das  Annexionistische  Deutschland"  (1917), 
P-  255. 

Aggressive  Belgium 

A  nation  that  acts  as  Belgium  has  acted  has  no 
right  to  complain  because  it  is  treated  according 
to  the  law  of  war.  Belgium,  like  a  coward,  stabbed 
Germany  in  the  back;  it  is  not  Germany  that  at- 
tacked  Belgium   without  provocation. 

Professor  Daenell  in  the  "Illustrierte  Zeitung,"  Leipzig 
(November,  1914),  no.  3726. 

S6 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

German  historical  claims  in  the  Netherlands 

Alsace  and  a  part  of  Lorraine  have  again  been 
drawn  into  the  rejuvenated  Germany.  .  .  .  Shall 
Luxemburg  and  Flanders  be  forced  to  follow  the 
same  path  as  Alsace-Lorraine?  We  are  not  willing 
to  forget  that  the  Netherlands,  of  which  Belgium  is 
the  southern  part,  are  old  German  imperied  terri- 
tory, and  also,  to  a  large  extent,  old  possessions  of 
the  German  people.  .  .  .  The  present  Holland  was 
always  Teutonic.  The  present  Belgium  ...  is 
Teutonic  territory  up  to  a  line  running  from  the 
Meuse,  halfway  between  Liege  and  Maestricht,  in 
a  fairly  straight  course  to  the  neighborhood  of  Dun- 
kirk; of  the  famous  cities  that  grew  up  in  the  fol- 
lowing centuries  it  includes  Maestricht,  Louvain, 
Malines,  Antwerp,  Brussels,  Ghent,  Bruges,  Cour- 
trai,  Ostend  and  Ypres.  .  .  , 

Prof.  F.  Rachfahl,  "Belgien,"  in  the  "Internationale 
Monatsschrift  fiir  Wissenschaft,  Kunst  und  Technik" 
(March,  1915)  ;  reprinted  in  the  "Preussische  Kreuz- 
zeitung"  (March  17,  1915). 


A  lawyer's  brief  for  Germany  against  Belgium 

The  German  General  Staff,  which  always  acts 
conscientiously,  recognized  that  carrying  the  war 
through  Belgium  was  necessary  for  the  preserva- 
ton  of  Germany.  No  right  is  so  inviolable  that  it 
must  not  yield  to  necessity;  and  in  action  dictated 
by  necessity  there  is  no  violation  of  right  (law), 
because  right  must  needs  give  way  by  force  of  right 
(law)  itself,  inasmuch  as  every  right  is  only  rela- 

57 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

tive.*  .  .  .  Belgium  and  its  royal  house  have  richly 
deserved  their  disastrous  fate.  Whoever  debases 
himself  to  act  as  a  lackey  for  England,  in  order  to 
fight  Germany,  deserves  no  better  fate.  Whoever 
fights  against  Germany,  fights  against  culture;  and 
whoever  goes  with  people  like  Grey  deserves  de- 
struction. ...  To  the  annexation  of  territory  by 
reason  of  military  success  earlier  relations  oppose  no 
barrier.  .  .  .  The  irresistible  force  of  military  con- 
quest extends  over  the  country  and  its  inhabitants ; 
this  is  one  of  the  first  principles  of  international 
law.  ...  If  anyone  wishes  to  shed  a  tear  over  old 
times,  he  is  at  liberty  to  do  so;  policy  weeps  no 
such  tears. 

Quite  as  little  attention  is  to  be  paid  to  the  exag- 
gerated sentiment  that  calls  for  a  plebiscite,  that 
demands  that  the  voice  of  the  population  shall  be 
heard  declaring  whether  they  desire  to  belong  to 
one  State  or  to  another.  .  .  .  Territory  takes  its 
population  with  it;  the  individual  who  is  dissatis- 
fied can  leave  the  territory.  .  .  . 

Least  of  all  are  we  to  listen  to  those  who  empha- 
size the  difficulties  that  accrue  to  the  conquering 
State  as  a  result  of  annexation,  because  it  will  have 
to  deal  with  alien  elements  that  perhaps  may  prove 
rebellious.  Such  anticipations  may  alarm  a  weak 
and  timid  nation;  a  nation  of  youthful  power  will 
simply  brush  such  difficulties  aside.  .  .  . 

Whether  in  annexed  territory  a  united  popula- 
tion may  be  developed,  which  after  decades  may 

*  In  German  the  same  word,  Recht,  is  used  for  a  right  and 
for  the  law — ^which  often  confuses  legal  thinking  and  some- 
times disguises  sophistry. 

58 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

be  more  or  less  completely  incorporated,  remains 
an  open  question.  ...  As  long  as  the  hour  to  an- 
swer it  has  not  yet  struck,  the  population  may 
receive  local  self-government,  but  it  must  always 
understand  that  the  annexing  State  is  master. 

In  the  case  of  nations  a  rational  appeal  amounts 
to  very  little.  The  driving  powers  of  the  national 
soul  lie  for  the  most  part  beneath  the  sill  of 
rational  consideration.  Unintelligible  impulses, 
catch-words,  phrases,  customs  and  traditions  are 
more  effective  than  any  intelligent  consideration 
of  the  situation.  .  .  .  Accordingly  power  against 
power,  inexorable  domination,  psychological  force 
against  psychological  resistance.  .  .  . 

Prof.  Joseph  Kohler,  in  the  "Tag"  (March  30  and  May 
31,  1915).  Kohler,  a  member  of  the  Law  Faculty  of 
Berlin  University,  is  one  of  the  most  prolific  and  best 
known  of  German  legal  writers.  He  lectures,  among 
other  topics,  on  international  law. 

The  duties  of  the  chosen  people 

As  the  emblem  of  the  Germans,  the  eagle,  soars 
high  above  all  the  birds  of  the  world,  so  the  Ger- 
man should  feel  himself  raised  high  above  all  the 
peoples  who  surround  him  and  whom  he  sees  at 
an   immeasurable   depth   below  him. 

Here  also  it  is  true  that  nobility  imposes  obli- 
gations. The  idea  that  we  are  the  chosen  people 
imposes  upon  us  very  great  duties — and  only  duties. 
Above  all  things  in  the  world  we  must  maintain 
ourselves  as  a  strong  nation.  ...  It  is  not  our  de- 
sire to  conquer  half-civilized  or  savage  peoples,  in 
order  to  fill  them  with  the  German  spirit.  .  .  .  The 

59 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Englishman  of  course  is  able  to  colonize  in  this 
sense  and  to  fill  foreign  peoples  with  his  spirit.  He 
has  none,  except  the  spirit  of  the  trader.  I  can 
turn  any  man  I  like  into  a  trader,  and  to  diffuse 
English  civilization  is  no  difficult  art.  The  great 
"genius  for  colonization"  for  which  the  English  are 
praised  is  only  an  expression  of  their  spiritual  pov- 
erty ;  but  who  would  undertake  to  implant  German 
culture  in  other  nations?  Heroism  cannot  be  piped 
on  like  gas,  wherever  you  like.  We  Germans  will 
therefore  always,  and  rightly,  remain  bad  colon- 
izers. .  .  . 

We  are  determined  to  be  and  to  remain  a  strong 
German  nation  and  a  strong  German  State ;  and  .  .  . 
if  it  is  necessary  to  extend  our  territorial  possessions 
so  that  the  increasing  body  of  the  nation  shall  have 
room  to  develop  itself,  we  will  take  for  ourselves 
as  much  territory  as  seems  to  us  necessary.  We 
shall  also  set  our  foot  wherever  it  seems  to  us 
important,  for  strategic  reasons,  in  order  to  pre- 
serve our  unassailable  strength.     That  is  all!  .  .  . 

Prof.  Werner  Sombart,  "Handler  und  Helden"  (1915), 
pp.  143-144. 


Annexationist  Petition  of  352  professors 

.  .  .  The  military  results  already  gained  in  this 
war  at  the  cost  of  so  great  sacrifices  should  be 
utilized  to  the  extreme  attainable  limit.  This  is  the 
fixed  determination  of  the  German  people. 

(i)  France.  .  .  .  We  must  ruthlessly  weaken 
this  country  politically  and  economically  for  the 
sake  of  our  own  existence,  and  we  must  improve 

60 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

against  her  our  strategical  position.  For  this  pur- 
pose, according  to  our  conviction,  a  thorough  im- 
provement of  our  whole  west  front  from  Belfort 
to  the  coast  is  necessary.  We  must  conquer  as 
great  a  part  as  possible  of  the  North-French  Chan- 
nel coast,  in  order  to  obtain  greater  strategical 
security  against  England  and  a  better  outlet  to  the 
ocean.  .  .  . 

To  avoid  such  conditions  as  exist  in  Alsace-Lor- 
raine, the  enterprises  and  possessions  that  give 
economic  power  are  to  be  transferred  from  hostile 
to  German  hands,  the  previous  owners  being  taken 
over  and  compensated  by  France.  To  the  part  of 
the  population  that  we  take  over  no  influence  what- 
ever in  the  Empire  is  to  be  conceded.  .  .  . 

We  must  also  remember  that  this  country  has 
disproportionately  large  colonial  possessions,  and 
that  England  can  indemnify  herself  in  these  posses- 
sions if  we  do  not  anticipate  her, 

(2)  Belgium.  .  .  .  We  must  keep  Belgium  firmly 
in  our  hands  as  regards  political  and  military  mat- 
ters and  as  regards  economic  interests.  In  no  mat- 
ter is  the  German  nation  more  united  in  its  opinion : 
to  it  the  retention  of  Belgium  is  an  undubitable 
matter  of  honor. 

.  .  .  Belgium  will  bring  us  an  immense  increase 
of  economic  power.  As  regards  population,  she 
may  also  give  us  an  important  increase,  particu- 
larly if  the  Flemish  element,  which  in  its  culture 
is  so  closely  related  to  us,  can  in  course  of  time 
be  freed  from  the  artificial  Latinizing  influences 
that  surround  it  and  be  brought  back  to  its  Teu- 
tonic character. 

61 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

.  .  .  To  the  inhabitants  of  Belgium  no  political 
influence  in  the  Empire  is  to  be  conceded;  and,  as 
in  the  districts  to  be  ceded  by  France,  the  most 
important  enterprises  and  landed  estates  are  to  be 
transferred  from  hostile  to  German  hands. 

(3)  Russia.  On  our  eastern  frontier  the  popula- 
tion of  the  Russian  Empire  is  increasing  at  a 
monstrous  rate — at  a  rate  of  something  like  two 
and  one-half  millions  a  year.  Within  a  generation 
the  population  will  amount  to  250,000,000.  Against 
this  overwhelming  preponderance  on  our  eastern 
flank  .  .  .  Germany  can  assert  herself  only  if  she 
sets  up  a  strong  barrier  .  .  .  and  if  on  the  other 
hand  the  healthy  growth  of  our  own  population 
is  furthered  by  all  possible  means.  Such  a  barrier 
and  also  a  basis  for  safeguarding  the  growth  of  our 
own  population  are  to  be  found  in  the  territory  that 
Russia  must  cede  to  us.  This  must  be  agricultural 
land,  adapted  to  settlement.  Land,  that  gives  us 
a  healthy  peasantry,  this  fresh  fountain  of  all 
national  and  political  power.  Land,  that  can  take 
over  a  part  of  our  increase  of  population  and  offer 
to  returning  Germans,  who  desire  to  turn  their 
backs  upon  the  hostile  foreign  world,  a  new  home 
in  the  old  home.  .  .  .  Such  land,  required  for  our 
physical,  moral  and  spiritual  health,  is  to  be  found 
first  of  all  in  the  East.  .  .  . 

This  land  will  also  serve  to  defray  the  Russian 
war  indemnity.  .  .  Russia  is  over-rich  in  land,  and 
the  land  of  which  she  is  to  cede  us  political  control 
we  shall  demand  .  .  .  freed  for  the  most  part  from 
private  titles.  .  .  .  The  Russian  population  is  not 
so  strongly  rooted  in  the  land  as  is  that  of  western 

62 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

and  central  Europe.  Russia  itself  has  repeatedly 
transplanted  large  parts  of  its  population  to  remote 
districts.  .  .  . 

(4)  England,  the  East,  Colonies  and  the  World 
across  the  Seas.  .  .  .  We  admit  that  the  blockade 
by  which  England  has  transformed  Germany  dur- 
ing the  period  of  the  war  into  a  closed  commercial 
State  has  taught  us  something.  It  has  taught  us 
above  all  that,  as  has  been  explained  in  the  earlier 
sections  of  this  memorial,  we  must  make  ourselves 
as  independent  as  possible  in  all  political,  military 
and  economic  matters,  on  the  basis  of  an  expanded 
and  better  secured  home  territory  in  Europe.  Sim- 
ilarly we  must  organize  upon  the  Continent,  in  im- 
mediate connection  with  our  land  frontiers  .  .  . 
the  broadest  possible  continental  economic  domain. 
.  .  :  For  this  purpose  it  is  important  permanently 
to  secure  Austria-Hungary,  the  Balkans,  Turkey 
and  Asia  Minor  to  the  Persian  Gulf  against  Russian 
and  English  ambitions.  .  .  . 

In  the  next  place  it  is  important  to  secure,  in  de- 
spite of  England,  our  reentry  into  the  economic 
world  beyond  the  seas.  ...  In  Africa  we  must  re- 
build our  Colonial  Empire  more  solidly  and  more 
strongly  than  before,  .  .  .  Here  again  the  impor- 
tance of  a  permanent  connection  with  the  world 
of  Islam  makes  itself  felt,  and  also  the  necessity 
of  secure  passage  over  the  seas  .  .  .  independent  of 
the  good  or  ill  will  of  England.  .  .  . 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  we  must 
keep  Belgium  firmly  under  our  control  and  must 
also  obtain  as  much  as  possible  of  the  North 
French   Channel   coast.     It  is  important,  besides, 

63 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

to  break  up  the  chain  of  maritime  bases  which  Eng- 
land has  thrown  about  the  world  or  to  enfeeble  it 
by  a  corresponding  acquisition  of  German  bases. 

Egypt,  which  connects  English  Africa  with  Eng- 
lish Asia  and,  with  AustraHa  as  a  further  barrier, 
converts  the  Indian  Ocean  into  an  English  lake — 
Egypt,  which  maintains  the  connection  between 
the  mother  country  and  all  its  oriental  colonies,  is, 
as  Bismarck  expressed  it,  the  neck  of  the  English 
World  Empire.  .  .  .  There  England  may  be  struck 
in  its  most  vital  nerve.  .  .  . 

(5)  War  indemnity.  ...  It  is  probably  France 
that  comes  into  consideration,  primarily  if  not  ex- 
clusively, as  regards  any  financial  indemnification 
for  the  costs  of  the  war.  We  should  not  hesitate, 
from  any  false  humanity,  to  burden  France  as 
heavily  as  possible.  To  ease  the  burden  imposed 
upon  her  she  may  call  upon  her  ally  across  the 
Channel.  If  the  latter  refuses  to  fulfill  her  duties 
as  an  ally  financially,  a  secondary  political  result 
might  be  attained  with  which  we  could  well  be 
content.  .  .  . 

(6)  No  policy  of  culture  without  a  policy  of 
power.  If  the  undersigned,  and  particularly  the 
men  of  science,  of  art  and  of  the  church  among 
them,  should  be  reproached  for  setting  up  only  po- 
litical, economic  and  perhaps  social  demands  and 
forgetting  the  purely  spiritual  problems  of  the  Ger- 
man future,  our  answer  is  a  three-fold  one. 

The  care  of  the  German  spirit  is  not  one  of  the 
aims  of  war  nor  one  of  the  conditions  of  peace. 

If,  however,  we  are  to  say  anything  concerning 
the  German  spirit  .  .  .  first  of  all,  Germany  must 

64 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

be  able  to  live  in  political  and  economic  security 
before  it  can  pursue  its  spiritual  vocation  in  free- 
dom. 

Finally  .  .  .  we  do  not  desire  a  German  spirit  that 
is  in  danger  of  suffering  decomposition  and  of  work- 
ing also  as  a  decomposing  agency — a  national  spirit 
that,  lacking  root,  is  forced  to  seek  a  home  in  all 
countries,  and  to  seek  it  in  vain ;  that  must  every- 
where adapt  itself  and  falsify  its  own  nature  as  well 
as  the  nature  of  the  nations  that  grant  it  hospitality. 
...  In  our  demands  we  are  seeking  to  gain  for  the 
German  spirit  a  healthy  body.  ... 

We  are  conscious  of  setting  up  goals  that  can  be 
reached  only  through  a  resolute  spirit  of  sacrifice 
and  through  most  energetic  diplomacy.  But  we  in- 
voke a  saying  of  Bismarck's : 

''More  than  in  any  other  domain  it  is  true  in 
politics  that  faith  tangibly  removes  mountains,  that 
courage  and  victory  are  not  causally  connected  but 
identical." 

Petition  to  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  voted  June  20, 
191 5,  at  a  meeting  of  professors,  diplomatists  and  higher 
officials  in  active  service,  held  in  the  Kiinstlerhaus  at 
Berlin.  It  was  handed  in  with  the  signatures  of  352 
professors  of  universities  and  of  special  schools  of  the 
same  rank,  158  school  teachers  and  clergymen,  145  su- 
perior administrative  officers,  mayors  and  city  councilmen, 
148  judges  and  advocates,  40  members  of  the  Reichstag 
and  of  the  Prussian  Landtag,  18  retired  admirals  and 
generals,  182  representatives  of  industry,  commerce  and 
banking,  52  landed  proprietors,  and  252  artists,  writers 
and  publishers.  It  was  circulated  only  as  a  "strictly  con- 
fidential manuscript."     The  full  text  is  given  in  Grum- 

6s 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

bach,   "Das   annexionistische   Deutschland"    (1917),   pp. 
132-140. 

A  "decent  form  of  death"  for  Belgium 

"Weighed  in  the  balance  and  found  wanting." 
This  was  the  sentence  of  condemnation  for  Bel- 
gium's immediate  future.  Threatened  simultane- 
ously by  social  revolt  and  national  disintegration, 
the  Belgian  State  would  sooner  or  later  have  per- 
ished by  internal  decomposition.  The  German  con- 
quest gave  Belgium  all  that  it  could  hope  for — a 
decent  form  of  death  among  the  Powers  of  the 
world,   although   it   never  belonged   to   them.  .  .  . 

Prof.  Conrad  Bornhak,  in  the  "Grenzboten,"  no.  26 
(June  30,  1915),  p.  405. 

Land  wanted  for  200,000,000  Germans 

Only  200,000,000  Germans  will  be  strong  enough 
to  protect  German  freedom  in  the  year  2000!  .  .  . 
We  need  an  increase  of  medium  and  small  agricul- 
tural estates,  and  of  positions  for  agricultural  la- 
borers and  for  artisans,  on  the  largest  scale.  .  .  . 
New  land  for  settlement  within  the  future  bound- 
aries of  the  Empire  is  a  demand  that  must  become 
for  all  Germans  a  word  of  deliverance ! 

Prof.  Max  von  Gruber,  in  "Siiddeutsche  Monatshefte," 
special  number,  "Deutschlands  Zukunft"  (October,  1915), 
PP-  55,  56. 

What  Germans  need  "belongs"  to  them 

Africa  is  a  continent  in  the  making.  Its  future 
is   rich   and  full  of  prospects.  ...  A  nation  that 

66 


UTTERANCES  OF  MEN  OF  SCIENCE 

has  won  for  itself  through  its  own  efficiency  so 
important  a  place  in  commerce  and  industry  as  the 
Germans  have  secured  cannot  possibly  stand  aside, 
as  it  used  to  do,  while  other  nations,  by  nature 
much  less  industrious,  try  to  secure  for  themselves 
in  the  coming  redivision  of  Africa  the  lion's  share. 
We  mean  at  last  to  get  what  belongs  to  us,  because 
we  need  it,  because  we  cannot  do  without  it  in  the 
vital  interest  of  ourselves  and  our  children.  And 
therefore  we  shall  obtain  it,  thanks  to  the  bravery 
of  our  armies  and  the  justice  of  our  claims. 

Prof.  Karl  Dove,  in  "Weltwirtschaft,"  no.  8  (Nov., 
1915). 

"No  annexations,  no  indemnities"  means  Germany's 
defeat 

In  reply  to  suggestions  made  in  the  British  House  of 
Lords,  November  8,  191 5,  by  Lord  Loreburn  and  Lord 
Courtney  concerning  terms  of  peace,  viz. :  evacuation  of 
Belgium  and  of  Northern  France,  waiver  of  any  war 
indemnity,  freedom  of  the  seas: 

For  us  these  suggestions  do  not  even  furnish  a 
basis  for  discussion,  because  the  conditions  which 
the  two  lords  have  suggested  for  peace  negotia- 
tions presuppose  the  victory  of  England  and  the 
defeat  of  Germany. 

Prof.  Otto  Hoetzsch,  in  the  "Preussische  Kreuzzci- 
tung,"  Nov.  17,  191 5. 

Government  of  new  "outer  territories" 

May  our  boundaries  be  pushed  as  far  forward 
as  our  own  future  security  requires  and  as  our 
power  to  defend  them  permits;  but  as  regards  the 

67 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

inner  structure  of  our  State  these  outer  territories 
must  not  be  permitted  to  exercise  any  influence,  un- 
til they  have  themselves  to  some  extent  grown  into 
German  ways  and  have  thus  become  capable  of 
being  members  of  a  German  national  State. 

Prof.  E.  Brandenburg,  "Die  Reichsgriindung"  (1916), 
rntroduction. 

A  pastor  on  the  sinking  of  the  "Lusitania" 

Anyone  who  cannot  bring  himself  to  approve 
from  the  bottom  of  his  heart  the  sinking  of  the 
Lusitania,  who  cannot  conquer  his  sense  of  the 
monstrous  cruelty  to  countless  perfectly  innocent 
victims  ,  .  .  and  give  himself  up  to  honest  joy  at 
this  victorious  exploit  of  German  defensive  power 
— such  an  one  we  deem  no  true  German. 

Pastor  D.  Baumgarten,  "Deutsche  Reden  in  schwerer 
Zeit,"  no.  25,  p.  7. 

Professional  frightfulness 

[Neutral  ships  should  be  intimidated  into  remain- 
ing in  their  home  ports,  so  that  the  British  would 
be  compelled  to  risk  their  own  ships.]  Such  a 
reaction  against  British  tonnage  would  be  more 
quickly  enforced  if  fewer  crews  of  torpedoed  neu- 
tral ships  were  saved.  If  neutrals  were  destroyed 
so  that  they  disappeared  without  leaving  any  trace, 
terror  would  soon  keep  seamen  and  travelers  away 
from  the  danger  zones  and  thus  save  many  lives. 

Prof.  Oswald  Flamm,  in  the  Berlin  "Woche";  cited  in 
the  New  York  "Times"  (May  15,  1917). 


CHAPTER   IV 

UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS,  MEN  OF  LETTERS 
AND   JOURNALISTS 


L    BEFORE  THE  WORLD  WAR  ^ 

Superiority  and  mission  of  the  Teutons 

After  all,  it  is  obviously  the  meaning  of  history 
that  the  white  race  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Teutons  should  attain  a  real  and  definitive  domina- 
tion of  the  world. 

The  "Zukunft"  (Sept.  7,  1901);  cited  in  "J^ges  par 
eux-memes,"  p.  32. 

The  most  distinguished  men  in  modern  spiritual 
history  were  for  the  most  part  Teutons  of  the  full 
blood,  such  as  Diirer,  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  Galileo, 
Rembrandt,  Rubens,  Van  Dyck,  Voltaire,  Kant, 
Wagner.  Others  show  an  intermixture  of  the  bru- 
nette race  ...  as  in  the  case  of  Dante,  Raphael, 
Michael  Angelo,  Shakespeare,  Luther,  Goethe,  Bee- 
thoven. .  .  .  Dante,  Raphael,  Luther  and  the  other* 
were  geniuses  not  because  of  but  in  spite  of  their 
mixed  blood.  Their  endowment  was  an  inheri- 
tance from  the  Teutonic  race. 

The  numerous  busts  of  Julius  Caesar  show  a  thor- 
oughly Teutonic  type  of  skull  and  of  face.     Alex- 

69 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

ander  the  Great  was  of  the  general  Macedonian 
type:  very  white  skin  with  rosy  lights,  Teutonic 
type  of  skull  and  face,  reddish  hair  and  dark  blue 
eyes. 

The  entire  European  civilization,  even  in  Slav 
and  Latin  countries,  is  the  work  of  the  Teutonic 
race.  .  .  .  The  Papacy,  the  Renaissance,  the  French 
Revolution  and  the  Napoleonic  Empire  were 
achievements  of  the  Teutonic  spirit. 

Napoleon  was  probably  a  descendant  of  the  Van- 
dals, who  long  ago  overran  Corsica. 

Papacy  and  Empire  are  both  Teutonic  organiza- 
tions for  domination,  meant  to  subjugate  the  world. 
The  Teutonic  race  is  called  to  circle  the  earth  with 
its  nile,  to  exploit  the  treasures  of  nature  and  of 
human  labor  power,  and  to  make  the  passive  races 
servient  elements  in  its  cultural  development. 

Ludwig  Woltmann,  "Politische  Anthropologic"  (1903), 
pp.  255,  290,  293,  294,  298. 

The  dominating  Teuton  has  a  fresh  and  clear 

complexion,  blond  hair,  an  imposing  stature  and  a 

long  cranium. 

( j      The  Teutons  are  the  aristocracy  of  humanity;  the 

,  I  Latins,  on  the  contrary,  belong  to  the  degenerate 

I  mob. 

Racine,  with  his  medium  height,  his  pleasant 
features,  his  clear  look,  his  gentle  and  lively  face — 
Racine  was  unquestionably  of  the  Teutonic  race. 
Lesueur,  full  of  dignity  and  grace,  with  an  open 
countenance  testifying  to  a  soul  above  the  com- 
mon level,  certainly  belonged  to  this  same  race. 
'Voltaire  was  of  the  Teutonic  race;  moreover,  is 

70 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

not  his  family  name,  Arouet,  a  corruption  of  the 
German  name,  Arwid?  The  name  of  Diderot  was 
a  corruption  of  the  name  Tictroh.  As  for  Gounod, 
his  name  alone  testifies  to  his  Teutonic  origin,  for 
it  is  simply  a  derivative  of  Gundiwald. 

Ludwig  Woltmann,  "Die  Germanen  in  Frankreich," 
cited  in  "Jugcs  par  eux-memes,"  p.  35. 

Montaigne  had  a  rosy  complexion  and  blond  hair. 
Voltaire  also  had  blond  hair  and  blue  eyes;  besides, 
he  was  tall.  Lafayette  also  was  tall  and  had 
blond  hair  and  blue  eyes.  .  .  .  Danton  was  blond 
and  had  blue  eyes ;  so  had  the  giant  Mirabeau.  .  .  . 

All  the  great  Frenchmen  are  in  their  cranial  for- 
mation and  in  their  pigment  of  the  Teutonic 
type.  ... 

Whosoever  has  the  characteristics  of  the  Teu-  f 
tonic  race  is  superior.  .  .  .  All  the  dark  people  are  I 
mentally  inferior,  because  they  belong  to  the  pas-/ 
sive  races.  .  .  .  The  cultural  value  of  a  nation  isj 
measured  by  the  quantity  of  Teutonism  it  containsJ 

Ludwig  Woltmann,  "Politische  Anthropologie,"  citecr 
in  "Juges  par  eux-memes,"  pp.  35-36. 


Especial  superiority  of  the  Germans 

We  are  beyond  all  doubt  the  first  of  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  world  as  warriors.  For  two  centuries, 
German  power  upheld  the  decaying  Roman  Em- 
pire ;  for  only  by  Germans  could  the  primal  German 
vigor  be  broken.  In  seven  great  battles  of  the  na- 
tions, in  the  Teutoburg  forest,  on  the  Catalonian 
plain,  at  Tours,  and  at  Poitiers,  on  the  banks  of  the 

71 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Lech,  before  Vienna  against  the  Turks,  and  at  Wa- 
terloo, we  rescued  European  civilization. 

We  are  the  most  capable  nation  in  every  field 
of  science  and  in  every  branch  of  the  fine  arts.  We 
are  the  best  colonists,  the  best  mariners  and  even 
the  best  merchants. 

And  yet  we  do  not  enter  into  our  share  of  the 
heritage  of  the  world.  .  .  . 

That  the  German  Empire  is  not  the  close  but  the 
beginning  of  our  national  development  is  an  ob- 
vious truth  that  as  yet  is  by  no  means  a  common 
treasure  of  all  Germans,  but  only  of  a  small  body 
of  cultured  men  .  ,  .  men  of  heart  and  of  under- 
standing. 

Fritz  Bley,  ''Die  Weltstellung  des  Deutschtums" 
(1897),  pp.  21,  22, 

Plans  of  expansion  in  Europe 

It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  thoughts  of  aggres- 
sion cannot  be  kept  out  of  pan-Germanism.  If 
Germany  is  to  be  hammer,  there  must  be  hitting.* 

To  live,  to  lead  a  healthy  and  happy  life,  we  need 
great  tracts  of  new  arable  land.  With  these  Im- 
perialism can  and  must  provide  us.  .  .  .  Germany 
will  be  able  to  harvest  the  fruits  of  Russian  policy, 
provided  her  courage  does  not  fail  her.  ...  Of 
what  use  to  us  is  Germanism  in  Brazil  or  South 
Africa,  however  successfully  it  may  develop?  It 
will  greatly  help  the  expansion  of  the  German  race ; 

♦An  allusion  to  the  phrase  in  Prince  von  Biilow's  speech, 
Dec.  II,  1899:  "In  the  twentieth  century  Germany  will  be 
anvil  or  hammer."     Biilow,  "Reden,"  vol.  i,  p.  96. 

72 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

it  will  do  little  for  the  power  of  the  German  Em- 
pire. On  the  other  hand,  increase  of  German  con- 
tinental territory  and  of  the  number  of  German 
peasants,  whose  industry  and  efficiency  are  incom- 
parably superior  to  the  indolent  dullness  of  the 
moujik,  will  form  a  protective  barrier  against  the 
flood  of  our  enemies  and  will  give  a  firm  founda- 
tion to  our  growing  power. 

Albrecht  Wirth,  "Volkstum  und  Weltmacht  in  der 
Geschichte"  (1906),  pp.  176,  235. 

There  is  no  other  role  for  Austria  than  to  become 
Germany's  colonial  State.  All  the  peoples  in  this 
broad  empire,  except  the  Germans  and  the  South 
Slavs,  are  politically  equally  worthless:  they  are 
only  material  for  German  reconstruction.  .  ,  . 
Hungary  is  a  bundle  of  impossibilities.  .  .  .  The 
necessity  imposed  upon  the  Austrian  of  speaking 
and  writing  four  or  five  languages  is  quite  enough 
to  retard  his  development.  .  .  .  The  task  of  Aus- 
trian policy  is  simply  this:  to  draw  to  itself  all 
emigrants  from  Germany  and  to  settle  them  in 
compact  groups,  first  of  all  upon  the  remotest 
boundaries  of  the  Empire.  .  .  .  The  Jablunka  is  to 
hear  no  speech  but  the  German;  and  from  there 
the  wave  must  roll  south,  until  of  all  the  pitiful, 
petty  nationalities  of  the  Empire  not  one  is  left. 

Paul  de  Lagarde,  "Deutsche  Schriften"  (1891),  pp.  iii, 
112. 

Austria,  that  political  abortion,  that  mummified 
survivor  from  the  confusion  of  tongues  at  Babel, 
will  perish  if  our  schemes  materialize. 

Friedrich  Lange,  "Reines  Deutschtum,"  p.  208. 
73 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Should  this  old  Austria  perish,  we  would  not 
shed  a  single  tear  over  the  corpse  of  the  monster. 

Daszinski,  Speech  delivered  in  1903,  cited  in  "Juges  par 
eux-memes,"  p.  35. 

The  time  will  come,  undoubtedly,  when  Ger- 
many will  be  able  to  lay  hands  upon  the  ruins  of 
the  State  of  the  Hapsburgs;  and  we  must  be  pre- 
pared for  this. 

Ernst  Hasse,  "Deutsche  Grenzpolitik,"  p.  164. 

From  a  military  point  of  view,  the  German 
frontiers  on  the  East  as  on  the  West  do  not  meet 
the  demands  of  the  best  possible  protection  against 
attack.  From  a  political  and  national  point  of  view 
it  is  even  more  serious  that  Germany  has  weak 
neighbors,  who  are  exposed  to  pressure  from  other 
powers  and  to  anti-German  influences.  Above  all, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  economics  and  of  eco- 
nomic geography,  it  is  monstrous  that  the  mouths 
of  two  of  Germany's  greatest  rivers,  the  Danube 
and  the  Rhine — ^the  latter  the  main  artery  of  the 
country's  commerce — and  a  number  of  the  ports 
most  important  for  her  international  trade  should 
be  in  alien  hands. 

Ernst  von  Halle,  "Volks-  und  See-Wirtschaft"  (1902), 
vol.  ii,  pp.  3-4. 

Philosophy  of  expansion 

A  nation's  field  of  labor,  its  land,  must  satisfy 
its  people  as  to  character,  quality  and  extent.  If  it 
is  not  satisfactory,  the  nation  must  stretch  itself, 
extend  itself  over  the  territory  of  others  and  gain 
new  land  in  the  selective  struggle. 

74 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

The  native  race,  if  in  a  low  stage  of  development, 
generally  soon  dies  out.  .  .  .  Highly  developed  peo- 
ples, who  are  unwilling  to  amalgamate  with  the 
victors,  can  be  forced  into  reservations;  or  the 
victors  will  leave  to  the  subjugated  peoples  a  por- 
tion of  their  territory  to  which  they  can  all  retire. 
.  .  .  The  Latin  countries  are  retrograding,  if  slow- 
ly, yet  steadily.  ...  It  requires  no  supernatural 
gift  of  prophecy  to  perceive  that  in  course  of  time 
the  Latin  peoples  will  be  weeded  out. 

Increase  of  population  is  not  to  be  restricted. 
A  nation  should  push  hard  on  its  limits  of  land 
and  sustenance  through  its  increasing  numbers. 
Only  when  men  and  nations  jostle  and  push  in  bit- 
ter competition  over  the  surface  of  the  earth,  can 
selection  prevail  between  men  and  nations.  .  .  . 
This  is  the  deep  meaning  of  a  rapid  increase  of 
population:  it  drives  the  courageous,  joyous,  pow- 
erful nation  forward  and  forces  it  into  a  great  fu- 
ture.    The   incapable,   indolent  nation   is   crushed. 

It  would  be  unjust  and  immoral  if  a  noble  na- 
tion were  to  restrict  its  increase  of  population  be- 
cause of  lack  of  room  .  .  .  while  lower  races  have 
room  to  spare.     That  would  be  race-suicide. 

Klaus  Wagner,  "Krieg"  (1906),  pp.  47,  69,  70,  81,  86, 
108. 


Christ  and  Darwin 

The  old  churchmen  preached  of  war  as  a  just 
judgment  of  God.  The  modern  natural  scientists 
see  in  war  a  propitious  mode  of  selection.  They 
use    different   phrases,    but    they    mean    the    same 

75 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

thing.  A  saying  of  the  much  misunderstood  Jesus, 
himself  supreme  in  the  comprehension  of  life — a 
saying  whose  profound  wisdom  Darwin  has  again 
enabled  us  to  grasp — is  the  concise  expression  of  all 
development:  "Many  are  called,  but  few  are 
chosen." 

Wagner,  ibid.,  pp.  145,  146. 

"Precautionary  war" 

It  often  happens  that  States,  that  for  the  moment 
are  self-sufficient  and  have  no  immediate  need  of 
expansion  .  .  .  must  nevertheless  start  a  war.  This 
becomes  a  necessity  if  a  foreign  power  is  gaining 
extensive  expansion  and  is  menacing  other  nations. 
To  check  an  over-powerful  and  dangerous  rival 
State,  that  is  grasping  too  much  territory,  and  to 
despoil  it  of  a  part  of  its  booty,  which  the  attacking 
nation  may  need  later,  is  a  struggle  for  the  national 
future,  for  unity,  independence  and  free  soil.  It  is 
a  precautionary  war. 

Wagner,  ibid.,  pp.  116,  117. 

Forecasts  of  the  German  World  War 

It  is  quite  possible  that  German  regiments  may 
march  over  the  Indus  to  the  Ganges;  that  German 
troops  and  Turkish  divisions  under  German  gen- 
eral-staff officers  may  block  the  Suez  Canal  and, 
passing  through  English  Egypt,  join  hands  with  the 
Khedive,  now  an  English  protege,  for  a  general 
revolt  of  Islam.  It  is  quite  possible  that  in  South 
Africa  probabilities  may  become  facts.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  the  black,  white  and  red   flag  may 

76 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

wave  on  the  towers  of  Rotterdam  and  of  Calais,  and 
that  German  war  taxes  and  forced  loans  will  be 
levied  from  Paris — a  world  war  such  as  the  sun  has 
never  shone  upon. 

Wagner,  ibid.,  pp.  115,  116. 

If  it  must  come  to  a  breach  [with  France]  we 
will  defy  fate  and  secure  for  ourselves  all  of  the 
advantages  of  the  attack.  Moral  right  is  on  our 
side.  .  .  .  The  victorious  German  people  will  be 
entitled  to  demand  that  the  French  menace  shall 
cease  finally  and  forever.  That  means :  France  must 
be  crushed.  .  .  .  Few  indeed  will  be  the  Germans 
who  will  not  regret  the  overthrow  of  the  French 
nation ;  but  they  will  be  able  to  do  little  more  than 
say  compassionately:  ''Tu  Vas  voulu,  Georges  Dan- 
din  r 

The  fratricidal  war  of  1866  was  necessary  for 
the  establishment  of  the  German  Empire;  why 
should  recognition  of  our  world  position  be  as- 
sured to  us  without  fighting  our  English  cousin? 

As  regards  Belgium  and  Holland  ...  it  may  be 
said  openly  that  such  little  States  have  lost  any 
absolute  right  to  exist;  for  today  only  those  States 
can  assert  a  right  to  independence  that  can  secure 
it  sword  in  hand. 

The  monarchy  of  the  Hapsburgs  will  be  friendly 
to  Germany  or  it  will  cease  to  exist. 

Daniel  Frymann,  "Wenn  ich  Kaiser  war'"  (1912),  pp. 
151,  152,  153,  167. 

Even  a  coalition  of  France  and  Russia  can  be 
defeated  by  our  forces  alone,  if  without  hesitation 

77 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

and  without  scruples  we  rise  in  war  to  a  greater 
use  of  violence. 

"Deutschland  bei  Beginn  des  Zwauzigsten  Jahrhun- 
Iderts"  (1900),  p.  212. 

Schemes  of  World  Empire 

It  would  be  the  beginning  of  a  World  Empire, 
our  first  Empire  of  the  sort,  if  to  East  Africa, 
Cameroon  and  Southeast  Africa  we  should  add 
Angola  and  the  Belgian  and  French  Congo.  .  .  . 
In  the  way  of  this  first  World  Empire  stand  Portu- 
gal, France  and  England.  Portugal  and  France  will 
be  the  mourners.  England  will  not  be  able  to  hin- 
der it.  This  will  not  be  accomplished  today  nor 
tomorrow;  but  a  day  will  come  when  Europe  will 
settle  her  accounts.  On  that  day  the  reservists  of 
Nimes  will  go  on  strike,  if  the  sons  of  the  German 
heroes  of  Metz  and  of  Sedan  attack  them  in  rainy 
weather.  On  that  day  the  English  Channel  will 
be  paved  with  French  submarines  of  the  success- 
ful Plumose  type,  if  the  German  dreadnoughts 
bombard  the  French  ports  of  the  North  Sea. 

.  .  .  Our  fathers  have  left  us  much  to  do.  In 
compensation,  the  German  nation  holds  a  position 
among  the  European  Powers  that  permits  it  at 
once  to  reach  its  goal  by  a  single  rapid  rush.  At 
the  present  time,  the  German  nation  finds  itself  in 
a  position  similar  to  that  of  Prussia  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  reign  of  Frederick  the  Great.  He  raised 
^his  country  to  the  rank  of  a  great  European  Power. 
It  is  Germany's  task  today  to  pass  from  the  posi- 

78 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

tion  of  an  European  Power  to  that  of  a  World 
Power. 

The  German  people  must  take  possession  of  Cen- 
tral Africa,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Orange  River  to 
vLake  Tchad,  and  from  the  Cameroon  Mountains  to 
the  mouth  of  the  River  Rovuna.  They  must  take 
possession  of  Asia  Minor;  of  the  Malayan  Archi- 
pelago in  southeastern  Asia;  and  finally  of  the 
southern  half  of  South  America.  Only  then  will 
Germany  possess  a  colonial  empire  that  will  cor- 
respond to  her  actual  power. 

A  policy  of  sentiment  is  folly.  Enthusiasm  for 
humanity  is  idiocy.  Charity  should  begin  among 
one's  compatriots.  Politics  is  business.  Right  and 
wrong  are  notions  needed  in  civil  life  only. 

The  German  people  is  always  right,  because  it  is 
the  German  people  and  because  it  numbers  87,000,- 
000.     Our  fathers  have  left  us  much  to  do. 

Otto  Richard  von  Tannenberg,  "Grossdeutschland :  Die 
Aufgabe  des  zwanzigsten  Jahrhunderts"  (1911),  pp.  219, 
220,  230,  231. 

II.    WHEN  WAR  WAS  IN  SIGHT 

"A  golden  Teutonic  opportunity" 

Written  in  1913,  when  Austria  was  threatening  Serbia 
and,  according  to  revelations  made  in  1914  by  Signor 
Giolitti,  had  sounded  the  Italian  Foreign  Office  as  to  the 
attitude  which  Italy  would  assume  if  the  Dual  Monarchy 
should  make  war  on  Serbia. 

Hasten,  drowsy  guardians  of  the  State,  to  con- 
clude a  treaty  assuring  to  Austria  the  road  to  the 
^gean.     The  fate  of  Europe  rests  with  you.  .  .  . 

79 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Has  Berlin,  like  Vienna,  lost  the  courage  of  deci- 
sion? ...  It  must  be  said,  even  more  energetically 
than  in  1909,  that  if  it  comes  to  a  fight  it  will  be 
for  a  German  interest  and  not  for  a  caprice  of 
Vienna.  .  .  .  Austria  would  be  only  too  glad  to 
settle  her  differences  in  a  peaceful  manner,  but  to 
urge  her  to  compromise  is  to  throw  away  a  golden 
Teutonic  opportunity.  .  .  .  Today  Prussia  is  re- 
sponsible for  the  destiny  of  all  Germany,  and  we 
are  constrained  to  fear  that  we  have  already  let 
slip  an  occasion  that  will  never  return.  ...  In 
southeastern  Europe  the  role  of  Austria  is  simply  to 
promote  the  German  cause.  .  .  . 

The  nation  is  unanimous  in  its  complaints.  Bis- 
marck would  have  never  made  the  mistake  of  ask- 
ing for  his  country  a  military  equipment  sufficiently 
powerful  to  fight  England,  France  and  the  Slav 
masses,  only  to  keep  it  unemployed  during  long 
years  of  peace.  .  .  . 

It  is  by  their  own  force  that  the  descendants  of 
the  ancient  Cimbri  will  come  out  of  the  war  vic- 
torious, and  not  with  the  help  of  God,  as  William 
II  has  just  declared  in  a  speech  delivered  in  the 
University  of  Berlin,  on  Divine  intervention  in  his- 
tory. It  is  not  true  that  God  withholds  victory 
from  the  irreligious.  Frederic  II  was  frankly  an 
atheist;  he  said  that  religion  is  a  tool  that  has  al- 
ways been  employed  to  make  men  submissive,  and 
he  swore  that  God  is  always  with  the  strongest 
battalions. 

Maximilian  Harden,  in  the  "Zukunft";  cited  in  "J^ges 
par  eux-memes,"  pp.  41-42. 

80 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

A  war  of  expansion 

If  we  are  prevented  from  expanding  with  our 
needs,  we  shall  have  to  draw  the  sword;  and  then 
.  .  .  woe  to  the  vanquished! 

The  Munich  "Post,"  cited  in  the  New  York  "Nation," 
July  9,   1914. 

Who  willed  the  war? 

.  .  .  Germany  endeavored  to  act  as  mediator  in 
the  Austro-Russian  conflict.  In  this  effort  she  was 
supported  by  England,  France  and  Italy,  because 
all  these  Powers,  as  is  clearly  shown  by  the  atti- 
tude of  their  Governments  and  also  by  the  expres- 
sions of  public  opinion,  wished  to  avoid  a  great 
European  war.  But  it  appears  that  the  localization 
of  the  Austro-Serbian  conflict  cannot  be  secured 
and  that  we  are  at  the  beginning  of  that  great  Eu- 
ropean war  of  which  there  has  been  so  much  talk, 
but  in  which  no  one  seriously  believed  until  today. 

The  "Frankfurter  Zeitung"  (July  31,  1914).  It  was 
on  this  day  that  the  German  Imperial  Government  sent 
its  ultimatum  to  the  Russian  Imperial  Government. 


The  anticipated  fruits  of  victory 

France  must  pay  the  greater  part  of  the  bill.  .  .  . 
Besides  Belfort,  France  must  cede  to  us  that  part 
of  Lorraine  that  is  bounded  by  the  Moselle  and,  in 
case  of  obstinate  resistance,  also  the  part  bounded 
by  the  Meuse.  If  we  make  the  Moselle  and  the 
Meuse  German  boundary  rivers,  the  French  will 
perhaps  some  day  get  rid  of  the  desire  of  making 

81 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

the  Rhine  a  French  boundary  river.  ...  If  Belgium 
takes  part  in  the  war,  it  is  to  be  wiped  off  the  map. 
...  If  the  Netherlands  come  into  Germany  as  a 
federated  State,  perhaps  with  a  few  more  reserved 
rights  than  Bavaria  possesses — after  a  victory  of 
Germany  the  Dutch  could  do  nothing  wiser — there 
might  be  occasion  to  consider  the  entire  or  partial 
incorporation  of  Flemish  Belgium  in  the  Nether- 
^         lands.    The  Belgian  Congo  would  fall  to  Germany ; 

^         and  thus  the  idea  of  a  German  Middle  Africa  would 
be  realized.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  To  bring  to  our  German  brethren  in  Austria, 
whose  eyes  have  so  long  been  turned  toward  us, 
the  redemption  for  which  they  have  so  earnestly 
yearned,  is  a  goal  fully  worthy  of  the  greatest  ef- 
fort, a  goal  that  we  must  in  any  case  attain,  a  goal 
that  we  can  attain  even  in  the  event  of  a  war  com- 
pletely lost.  Thus  the  parts  of  Austria  that  were 
formerly  pure  German  districts  (old  Austria)  must 
from  now  on  be  exclusively  reserved  for  German- 
ism ;  and  in  addition  a  broad  strip  of  territory,  from 
Carinthia  down  to  Istria,  which  will  give  Germany 
an  immediate  outlet  on  the  Adriatic,  must  be  de- 
\  clared  to  be  a  district  reserved  for  German  settle- 
ment. .  .  .  Norway  and  Sweden  (to  which  Finland 
might  be  added)  and  Switzerland  (possibly  en- 
larged by  portions  of  Savoy)  will  necessarily  seek 
the  protection  of  Germany  and  enter  into  a  con- 
federate relation  similar  to  that  of  Austria.  Den- 
mark can  have  the  strip  of  North  Schleswig  for 

^  *-         which  it  yearns  if,  like  the  Netherlands,  it  becomes 
a  State  in  the  German  Empire.    Then,  as  the  lead- 

82 


N 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

ing  power  in  a  great  Teutonia,  Germany,  after  this        y  / 
war,  will  enter  upon  the  rule  of  the  world.  .  .  . 

Rudolf  Theuden,  "Was  muss  uns  der  Krieg  bringen" 
(1914),  pp.  9-10,  12-13. 

III.    SINCE  THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  WAR 

Germany's  right  and  Germany's  aims 

Germany  has  the  right  to  extend  the  area  of  her 
dominion  according  to  her  needs,  and  the  power  to 
obtain  this  right  against  all  contradiction.  .  .  . 

The  English,  Belgians,  French,  North  and  South 
Slavs  and  Japanese  are  praising  each  other  as  pos- 
sessors and  guardians  of  the  most  refined  human 
civilization  and  abusing  us  as  barbarians.  We  should 
be  fools  to  contradict.  To  Rome,  at  the  point  of 
death,  the  Germans  who  were  digging  her  grave 
were  barbarians.  Your  civilization,  gossips,  wafts 
to  us  no  sweet  savor.  Get  used,  as  soon  as  you  can, 
to  recognize  that  on  German  soil  barbarians  and 
warriors  are  living.  They  have  now  no  time  to 
waste  on  small  talk.  They  must  thrash  your 
armies,  capture  your  general  staffs,  strew  your 
cuttle-fish  arms  over  the  ocean.  When  Tangiers  and 
Toulon,  Antwerp  and  Calais  are  subject  to  their 
barbaric  power,  then  they  will  often  be  glad  to 
have  a  friendly  chat  with  you.  .  .  . 

Krupp  has  given  us  the  hope  not  only  of  get- 
ting at  England  in  her  floating  castles,  but  also  of 
camping  widely,  before  her  face,  wry  with  envy, 
en  two  seas,  on  the  coasts  of  Belgium,  France  and 

83 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Morocco.  That  Germans  do  not  fit  into  the  bustle 
of  peaceable  nations  is  the  proudest  ornament  of 
the  German  character.  Their  manhood  does  not 
feminize  itself  in  long  peace.  War  has  always  been 
their  chief  business.  .  .  .  Germany  means  to  grow, 
to  coin  the  achievements  of  its  men  and  its  States 
into  rights  of  sovereignty  before  which  every  head 
must  bow  in  reverent  greeting.  Germany  is  strik- 
ing. Who  gave  her  leave?  Her  right  is  in  her 
might.  Therefore  she  is  waging  a  good  war.  .  .  . 
For  the  English  things  are  already  going  badly. 
.  .  .  From  Calais  to  Dover  is  not  far.  Do  you  doubt 
our  being  able  to  reach  them  ?  With  such  an  army 
anything  can  be  done.  And  before  they  receive 
their  punishment  there  will  be  no  peace.  .  .  . 

We  are  not  waging  war  to  punish  countries,  nor 
to  free  enslaved  peoples  and  then  warm  ourselves 
in  the  consciousness  of  our  unselfish  nobility.  We 
are  waging  war  because  of  our  solid  conviction 
that  Germany,  in  view  of  her  achievements,  has 
the  right  to  demand  and  must  obtain  more  room 
on  the  earth  and  a  broader  sphere  of  action.  .  .  . 
Spain  and  the  Netherlands,  Rome  and  Hapsburg, 
France  and  England  seized,  ruled,  settled  great  ex- 
[  panses  of  the  most  fertile  soil.  Now  the  hour  has 
^  "S  struck  for  German  supremacy.  A  peace  that  does 
not  secure  this  will  leave  our  efforts  unrewarded. 
.  .  .  We  shall  stay  in  the  Belgian  lowlands,  to 
which  we  shall  add  the  narrow  coast  strip  to  and 
beyond  Calais.  .  .  .  From  Calais  to  Antwerp, 
Flanders,  Limburg  and  Brabant,  up  to  and  includ- 
ing the   chain  of  forts  on   the   Meuse,  are  to  be 

84 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

Prussian.  .  .  .  The  southern  triangle,  with  Alsace- 
Lorraine  (and  Luxemburg,  if  it  likes),  is  to  be 
shaped  into  an  independent  State  of  the  Empire, 
intrusted  to  a  Catholic  princely  house — a  new 
Lotharingia.  Then  Germany  would  know  for  what 
purpose  she  has  shed  her  blood. 

Maximilian  Harden,  in  the  "Zukunft"  (August  29; 
September  5;  October  17,  1914).  Cited  by  Grumbach, 
"Das  annexionistische  Deutschland"  (1917),  pp.  239- 
241. 

Germany  willed  the  war 

One  principle  only  i^to  be  reckoned  with — one 
which  sums  up  and  includes  all  others — force! 
Boast  of  that  and  scorn  all  twaddle.  Force!  that 
is  what  rings  loud  and  clear;  that  is  what  has  dis- 
tinction and  fascination.  Force,  the  fist — that  is 
everything.  .  .  .  Let  us  drop  our  pitiable  efforts  to 
excuse  Germany's  action ;  let  us  cease  heaping  con- 
temptible insults  upon  the  enemy.  Not  against  our 
will  were  we  thrown  into  this  gigantic  adventure. 
It  was  not  imposed  on  us  by  surprise.  We  willed 
it;  we  were  bound  to  will  it.  We  do  not  appear 
before  the  tribunal  of  Europe;  we  do  not  recognize 
any  such  jurisdiction. 

Our  force  will  create  a  new  law  in  Europe.  It  is 
Germany  that  strikes.  When  it  shall  have  con- 
quered new  fields  for  its  genius,  then  the  priests  of 
all  the  gods  will  exalt  the  war  as  blessed. 

Harden  in  the  "Zukunft"  (August-October,  1914) ; 
cited  in  "Juges  par  eux-memes,"  pp.  46-47.  See  also 
extracts  in  the  New  York  "Times"  (Dec.  6,  1914). 

8s 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Germans  "no  persecuted  innocents" 

The  course  of  events  in  the  last  decades  and  the 
way  in  which  our  policy  has  been  conducted  have 
made  it  absolutely  clear  that  the  just  claims  of 
Germany  cannot  be  satisfied  in  a  peaceable  manner. 

.  .  .  The  war  .  .  .  forces  each  of  us  ...  to  be- 
come conscious  of  the  purpose  for  which  it  is  being 
waged :  the  entrance  of  Germany  into  the  company 
of  great  imperialistic  nations  and  the  enforcement 
of  the  demands  which  it  is  entitled  to  make  as  a 
World  Power.  .  .  .  This  war  is  being  carried  on  to 
)>  make  Germany  greater  and  more  powerful  than  it 
was  before.  The  only  alternative  is  to  attain  this 
result  or  to  fall  back  into  the  position  of  a  second- 
rate  Power.  .  .  .  The  clarity  of  this  thought,  the 
justice  of  this  demand  are  not  to  be  obscured  by 
discussions  of  the  question,  who  is  to  blame  for 
the  origin  of  this  war.  Whoever  depicts  Germany 
as  a  country  assailed  and  placed  in  a  state  of  neces- 
sity, is  apt  to  overlook  the  fact  that  we  had  a  just 
demand  to  assert  and  put  through,  and  that  we  must 
necessarily  appear,  to  those  who  would  deny  us  a 
place  among  the  Great  Powers,  as  the  assailants. 
History  will  show  that  our  enemies  refused  to  recog- 
nize these  claims  and  so  conjured  up  the  war;  it 
will  also  show  that  the  war  was  an  internal  neces- 
sity. It  does  not  become  us  to  play  the  part  of 
persecuted  innocents.  We  must  confess  our  de- 
mands freely  and  manfully,  and  we  must  carry  on 
the  fight  until  they  are  satisfied.  .  .  . 

"Darius"  in  "Grenzboten,"  no.  6  (Feb.  lo,  191 5),  pp. 
161   et  seq. 

86 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

"The  will  to  power" 

History  has  found  it  easier  to  forgive  any  cruel- 
ties than  to  pardon  a  failure  of  the  will  to  power. 
Not  "Live  and  let  live"  but  "Live  and  direct  the 
lives  of  others" — that  is  power.  To  bring  others 
under  our  reasonable  influence,  in  order  to  put  in- 
ternational relations  on  a  better  basis — that  is  puri- 
fied power. 

Karl  Peters,  "Not  und  Weg"  (i9i5)»  PP-  I3-I4. 

"A  Holy  German  Empire" 

More  and  more  there  must  be  developed  quiet  de- 
termination to  establish  a  Holy  German  Empire. 
A  nation  that  fans  again  into  flame  the  old  breath 
of  God  in  the  spirit  of  the  present  time,  that  is  holy 
in  itself  and  carries  holiness  to  other  nations — 
that,  my  German  people,  you  must  become.  If 
you  do  not,  then  your  aspirations  are  bubbles  and 
your  great  period  lies  behind  you. 

...  Is  a  mighty  Germany  to  give  laws  to  Eu- 
rope, is  it  to  make  a  growing  holiness  of  life  the 
law  of  peace  for  its  neighbors?  Will  it  in  union 
with  them  offer  defiance  to  the  rest  of  the  world? 

If  that  is  our  chosen  course,  then  we  must  not 
be  timid  as  regards  the  will  to  power.  It  is  foolish 
to  talk  of  the  rights  of  others ;  it  is  foolish  to  speak 
of  a  justice  that  should  hinder  us  from  doing  to 
others  what  we  ourselves  do  not  wish  to  suffer 
from  them.  .  .  . 

We  are  still  constantly  hearing  of  moderation^ 
of  the  right  of  nations  to  determine  their  own  des- 

87 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

tiny,  but  all  this  is  of  no  consequence.    We  under- 
stand what  is  necessary.    We  must  grow  stronger. 

Peters,  ibid.,  pp.  64-68. 

"Kultur" 

f     Culture  is  a  spiritual  organization  of  the  world, 
N    /  which  does  not  exclude  bloody  savagery.    It  raises 
/  the  daemonic  to  sublimity.     It  is  above  morality, 
reason,  science. 

Thomas  Mann,  in  the  "Neue  Rundschau"  (Nov.,  1914)  ; 
cited  in  "Jug^^s  par  eux-memes,"  p.  22. 


Retaliatory  lying 

Under  the  constraining  necessity  of  present  con- 
ditions, we  are  often  obliged  to  stray  from  the  right 
path;  but  when  the  arms  of  our  soldiers  shall  have 
/    overthrown  those  who  are  likewise  lying,  we  will 
'     gladly  go  back  to  our  habits  of  veracity. 

*'K61nische  Zeitung"  (Dec.  28,  1914)  ;  cited  in  "Juges 
par  eux-memes,"  pp.  88-89. 

Spirit  and  form  of  German  Imperialism 

...  If  we  conquer,  the  map  of  the  world  will  be 
redrawn.  This  change  is  quite  certain,  and  all  writ- 
^  ing  against  it  is  empty  and  of  no  effect.  .  .  . 
{  ...  We  must  joyfully  accustom  ourselves  to  a 
transition  from  the  old,  solidly  closed  National 
State,  with  a  few  foreign  nationalities  in  its  border 
districts,  to  an  Imperialist  State  with  a  greater 
mixture  of  nationalities.  In  this,  the  one  element 
of  union   remains  the   German   Idea.  ...  In  this 

88 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

State  the  German  people  are  to  tower  high  above 
the  other  nationalities;  it  is  to  be  a  German  State, 
no  washed-out  universality.  .  .  . 

Today  nothing  is  more  urgent  than  this — that 
the  will  to  conquer  the  world  should  take  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  German  people.  Then  first  shall 
we  arise  from  the  stage  of  a  semi-unconscious 
World  Power  to  the  stage  of  a  conscious  Imperial- 
ist Power.  Then  first  can  we  hold  our  own  against 
England.  .  .  . 

The  final  inference  is  that,  cost  what  it  may,  we 
must  widen  our  continental  territory  in  this  war. 
...  It  is  not  enough  to  bring  new  territories  into 
a  customs  union,  we  must  be  masters  of  these  new 
territories  also  in  military  and  diplomatic  affairs. 

.  .  .  The  only  legal  form  of  connection  that  is 
appropriate  to  a  World  State  is  the  confederation. 
Formal  annexation  of  districts  which,  for  strategic 
or  cultural  reasons,  must  absolutely  be  brought  into 
the  closest  connection  with  the  dominant  State  is 
of  course  not  excluded.  Take,  for  example,  Bel- 
gium. Were  this  country  simply  annexed,  we 
should  have  a  second  Poland  in  the  West.  ...  If, 
however,  only  the  line  Liege-Namur  were  held  as  a 
strategic  line,  with  the  addition  of  Antwerp,  and  if 
the  rest  of  Belgium  were  left  to  administer  itself 
and  brought  into  a  federative  relation  only  to  the 
German  Empire,  then  we  should  have  full  security 
for  the  good  behavior  of  the  country,  and  we 
should  also  have  the  Belgian  coast  for  all  time 
as  a  military  base  and  a  bridgehead  against  Eng- 
land, but  we  should  avoid  making  Belgium   feel 

89 


ceiv 

J  " 

<    Woi 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

itself  a  subjugated  country.  ...  If  we  keep  Ant- 
werp, it  would  be  a  good  plan  to  arrange  with 
Holland  an  exchange,  by  which  we  should  receive 
the  mouth  of  the  Scheldt,  while  Holland  would  re- 
ceive the  Belgian  part  of  Limburg.  .  .  . 

we  are  asked  whether  we  wish  to  establish  a 
World  Power  towering  so  far  above  the  other 
World  Powers  that  it  is  in  reality  the  only  real 
World  Power,  then  the  answer  is  that  the  will  to 
World  Power  is  in  its  nature  immeasurable.  Less 
even  than  a  Great  Power  can  a  World  Power  ever 
be  satisfied.  .  .  .  The  will  to  World  Power  must 
in  its  nature  be  insatiable;  satiety  would  mean 
senility. 

Whoever  opposes  Germany's  eftorts  toward 
World  Power  is  on  the  wrong  side.  Such  a  view 
is  in  direct  contradiction  with  the  development  in 
which  we  are  engaged. 

Adolf  Grabowsky,  in  "Das  neue  Deutschland,"  Kriegs- 
nummer  3  (Sept.  30,  1914)  ;  4  (Oct.  28,  1914) ;  6  (Dec. 
22,  1914) ;  24   (March  18,  1916). 


Germany's  peculiar  qualification  for  World  Power 

Dominion  may  be  based  on  livid  power  or  on 
prudent  calculation.  Leadership  demands  more: 
in  addition  to  cultural  and  moral  superiority,  in 
addition  to  respect  for  variation,  it  demands  also 
the  capacity  of  grasping  and  intelligently  penetrat- 
ing foreign  character.  To  the  nation  that  combines 
these  qualities  the  World  Power  of  the  future  must 
fall;  and  this  nation  is  the  German.  .  .  . 

So  our  gaze  sweeps  wider,  from  the  North  Cape 
90 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

to  the  Indian  Ocean,  embracing  an  Empire  that, 
from  the  geographical,  economic  and  political  points 
of  view,  possesses  boundless  possibilities. 

Albert  Gottlieb,  in  **Grenzboten,"  no.  52  (Dec.  30, 
1914). 

The  French  and  the  English 

If  the  French  had  not  gone  mad,  if  they  had  not 
permitted  themselves  to  be  misused  as  servants  of 
England  and  of  Russia,  I  do  not  see  what  occa- 
sion could  have  arisen  for  our  fighting  them.  At 
present  they  are  mad,  and  consequently  they  must 
be  treated  as  madmen.  .  .  .  The  power  is  here;  it 
must  be  used;  the  diplomatist  is  not  to  be  permit- 
ted to  contradict  the  General  Staff,  as  in  1870.  .  .  . 

It  is  not  easy  for  the  Germans  to  understand 
England.  The  ignorance  of  the  English  is  com- 
parable with  that  of  the  Russians;  and  in  par- 
ticular the  pseudo-culture  of  the  "cultured"  classes 
defies  description.  On  the  other  hand  .  .  .  the 
English  character  is  developed  to  an  extraordinary 
degree:  daring  self-confidence,  joy  in  independent 
action,  the  gift  of  enforcing  obedience  by  sheer 
power  of  will.  The  Englishman  possesses  the  mar- 
velous art  of  drawing  power  from  his  own  limita- 
tions. .  .  .  There  is  but  one  way  to  check  this 
power:  another  power  of  will  must  be  set  up 
against  it,  a  mighty  power  which  the  English  will 
encounter  at  every  turn  and  on  which  they  will 
break  their  bones.  .  .  . 

Houston  Stewart  Chamberlain,  "Deutschlands  Kriegs- 
ziel"  (1916),  pp.  9-11. 

91 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 


German  must  become  the  language  of  the  world 

I  have  no  stronger  or  more  sacred  conviction  than 
this:  that  the  higher  culture  of  humanity  depends 
upon  the  diffusion  of  the  German  language.  .  .  . 
For  the  diffusion  of  this  language  it  is  necessary 
that  the  German  Empire  should  become  the  leading 
State  in  the  world.  .  .  .  People  must  learn  that  any- 
one who  cannot  speak  German  is  a  pariah. 

Chamberlain,  "Kriegsaufsatze,"  pp.  9,  35. 


How   new  territories  may  be   Germanized 

Every  expansion  of  frontiers  must  result,  first  of 
all,  in  a  numerical  strengthening  of  the  alien  ele- 
ment. ...  In  certain  cases  the  conquered  State 
will  itself  have  the  greatest  interest  in  not  losing 
both  the  territories  it  cedes  and  their  population,  if 
it  can  take  over  the  population  and  gain  strength 
thereby,  as  is  the  case,  for  example,  with  France, 
decadent  already  and  diminished  in  its  population 
by  the  war.  ...  As  regards  any  part  of  the  popu- 
lation that  decides  to  remain  on  the  hereditary  soil 
even  under  the  new  rule,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
demand  full  security  that  they  shall  interpose  no 
resistance,  in  principle,  to  their  denationalization, 
and  that  they  shall  agree  to  the  introduction,  at 
least  in  a  gradual  way,  of  instruction  exclusively 
in  the  language  of  the  conqueror  and  the  exclusive 
use  of  this  language.  If  entire  States  are  annexed, 
the  difficulties  are  of  course  greater,  but  by  no 
means  insuperable.  .  .  . 

Franz  Kohler,  "Der  neue  Dreibund"  (1915),  p.  108. 
92 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

Moral  and  immoral  policies  of  power 

Nothing  is  more  foolish  than  the  opinion  that 
what  is  called  culture  wins  its  way  by  quiet,  peace- 
ful labor.    The  cultures  of  the  nations  struggle  one 
with  the  other  in  a  life  and  death  contest.     The 
culture  of  a  nation  cannot  dispense  with  the  means 
of  power,  if  it  has  the  will  to  establish  and  assert     ^^ 
itself.  .  .  .  Herein  is  found  the  moral  justification   J 
for  a  national  policy  of  power.    Immoral,  of  course,  \ 
is  a  policy  of  power  if  it  is  employed,  as  among     \ 
our  enemies,  to  supplant  the  higher  German  culture       >    ( 
and  morality  by  the  much  lower  English,  French 
or  Russian  culture  (or  lack  of  culture). 

It  is  not  true  that  all  nations  have  the  same  right 
of  existence.  .  .  .  There  are  decadent  nations,  fall- 
ing into  moral  decay;  these  in  the  tribunal  of  his- 
tory have  forfeited  the  right  to  their  own  national 
existence  and  must  make  room  for  the  higher  mor- 
ality of  another  nation  destined  to  dominion.  .  .  . 

In  this  matter  things  must  be  regarded  as  they 
are,  without  sentimentality.  May  our  statesmen 
approach  the  future  questions  of  peace  in  this 
spirit ! 

Wolfgang  Eisenhart,  in  the  "Preussische  Kreuzzeitung" 
(May  30,  1 91 6). 

Imperialism  and  Socialism 

The  last  decades  have  witnessed  the  formation 
of  a  limited  number  of  great  economic  domains 
with  a  political  organization  as  centralized  as  pos- 
sible.    This   is   what   is   called    Imperialism.     Al- 

93 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

though  this  goal  is  attained  by  capitalistic  means, 
it  is,  for  all  that,  a  goal  beyond  which  humanity  is 
bound  to  move  toward  Socialism.  For  the  great 
Empires  render  much  more  effective  service  to  the 
preservation  of  peace  than  the  numerous  politically 
independent  States  that  stand  side  by  side,  par- 
ticularly in  western  Europe.  .  .  .  Where  then  is  it 
written  that  every  nation,  no  matter  how  petty,  has 
the  right  of  political  independence?  What  sort  of 
church-parish  politics  is  this? 

Richard  Calwer,  "Sozialismus  und  Gebietserweiter- 
ungen,"  in  the  "Tag"  (June  5,  1916).  Calwer  is  a  Socialist 
who,  some  years  before  the  war,  severed  his  connection 
with  the  Social  Democratic  party.  During  the  war  he 
has  made  systematic  propaganda  to  convince  German 
Socialists  of  the  necessity  of  annexations.  See  Grum- 
bach,  "Das  annexionistische  Deutschland,"  p.  163. 


Chancellor  Bethmann-Hollweg  interpreted 

Ears  were  pricked  up  in  the  Reichstag  when  the 
Imperial  Chancellor  spoke  of  "real  guaranties  and 
securities";  for  until  this  moment  no  similar  as- 
surance regarding  the  aims  of  peace  had  been  given 
by  the  Administration.  .  .  .  Real  guaranties  and 
securities,  so  that  no  enemy  shall  longer  dare  to 
attack  us!  That  conclusively  sums  up  all  the  de- 
sires of  the  German  people  as  regards  the  aims  of 
peace,  provided  always  that  this  utterance  is  cor- 
rectly understood  and  consistently  championed. 

Leading  article  on  the  Chancellor's  speech  of  May  28, 
(see  above,  p.  22),  in  the  "Kolnische  Volkszeitung^'  (May 
29,  191S). 

94 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

Imperial  Chancellor  von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  in 
his  last  speech  in  the  Reichstag,  expressed,  amid 
the  applause  of  his  hearers  and  probably  with  the 
assent  of  the  overwhelming  majority  of  Germans, 
the  hope  that  the  experiences  of  this  fearful  war 
would  at  least  bring  the  German  people  to  unlearn 
all  sentimentality.  It  would  be  a  piece  of  senti- 
mentality if  we  did  not  stake  everything  on  beating 
France  down  by  the  might  of  our  weapons  so  com- 
pletely that  she  shall  lose  for  all  time  any  desire 
of  creating  further  disturbance.  .  .  .  Until  France 
has  sunk  into  the  position  of  a  State  of  the  third 
or  fourth  rank,  she  will  always  be  on  the  side  of 
Germany's    enemies.  .  .  . 

Russia  cannot  be  left  in  its  former  boundaries. 
It  must  be  limited  to  its  proper,  Great  Russian  core 
and  its  face  must  be  turned  to  the  East.  .  .  .We 
must  press  forward  inexorably  to  the  realization 
of  our  purpose  of  creating  a  greater  Germany  that 
shall  offer  us  new  land  for  our  surplus  of  spiritual 
and  economic  power.  .  .  . 

Albert  Bovenschen,  "Deutschland  an  der  Zeitenwende" 
(1916),  pp.  21-22,  36,  217-218. 


Dr.  Demburg  disavowed 

During  his  visit  to  the  United  States,  former  Colo- 
nial Secretary  Dernburg  stated  that  Germany  would 
annex  no  territory  in  Europe. 

If  Herr  Dernburg  really  offered  to  our  enemies 
the  voluntary  evacuation  of  Belgium,  this  was  a 
most  surprising  utterance,  against  which  we  must 
enter  an  unmistakable  protest.     If  he  really  said 

95 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

that  Germany  could  not  think  of  any  increase  of 
territory  in  Europe,  this  was  an  extraordinary  as- 
sumption of  authority. 

Article  in  the  "Tagliche  Rundschau"  (May  i,  191 5). 

Herr  Dernburg  undoubtedly  has  merits.  He  is 
passing  a  period  of  war  across  the  ocean,  but  he 
is  not  resting  his  weary  head  on  Uncle  Sam's  lap; 
he  is  wandering  day  by  day  from  meeting  to  meet- 
ing, is  writing  articles,  is  giving  interviews,  is  gen- 
erally active,  as  a  patriot  is  bound  to  be.  Is  he 
acting  more  or  less  under  official  commission? 
Or  perhaps  in  that  semi-official  form,  which  Bis- 
marck found  so  desirable,  in  order  to  put  out  feel- 
ers and,  in  case  of  necessity,  thunder  out  a  de- 
nial? .  .  . 

Herr  Dernburg  is  said  to  have  stated :  "Germany 
cannot  think  of  increasing  her  possessions  in  Eu- 
rope, because  for  this  purpose  she  would  be  obliged 
to  subjugate  people  who  would  not  voluntarily  ac- 
cept her  rule."  Of  course  Herr  Dernburg  cannot 
have  said  this.  His  historical  knowledge  must  tell 
him  that  Empires  have  never  been  established  by 
"voluntary  acceptance"  of  a  foreign  rule.  .  .  . 

"Leipziger  Neueste  Nachrichten"    (May  17,   1915). 

Frederic's  "pedants"  at  work* 

.  .  .  On  the  basis  of  philological  investigations, 
the  speaker  further  explained  that  the  German 
eagle  formerly  ruled  from  Boonen  (Boulogne-sur- 
Mer)  in  French  Flanders  to  Reval  in  Esthonia.  He 
expressed,  with  the  general  applause  of  the  meet- 

*  See  title  page. 

96 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

ing,  the  hope  that  the  war  would  fulfill  the  desires 
aroused  in  the  German  people  by  their  recollection 
of  this  glorious  past. 

Address  delivered  before  the  "German  Union  of  De- 
fense" (Deutscher  Wehrverein),  reported  in  the  "Wehr" 
(June,  1915).  The  Union  has  about  100,000  members. 
The  "Wehr"  is  its  organ.    See  Grumbach,  p.  154. 

Today  our  battle-tried  regiments  stand  victori- 
ous in  Flanders.  Almost  in  our  grasp  lies  the  old 
Frankish  royal  city  of  Soissons — all  this  old  his- 
toric Frankish  soil  in  the  great  period  of  German 
history.  This  most  terrible  of  wars  is,  we  hope, 
the  grand  finale  of  the  millennial  struggle  for  the 
kingdom  of  Lothair.  .  .  .  The  decision  .  .  .  will 
not  be  reached  in  the  Balkans,  nor  in  the  East — 
there,  in  addition  to  German  interests,  Austro-Hun- 
garian  desires  are  in  play — it  will  be  reached,  as  far 
as  Germany  is  concerned,  primarily  in  the  West;  it 
must  bring  us  the  end  of  that  ancient  struggle  for 
Lotharingia ;  for  France  will  not  renounce  her  pol- 
icy of  revanche  until  it  is  made  fully  clear  to  her 
that  the  scales  of  the  destiny  of  nations  have  finally 
tipped  in  favor  of  the  German  Empire. 

"Rheinisch-Westfalische  Zeitung"  (Feb.  9,  1916). 


Germany's  "needs"  in  Europe  summarized 

Our  need  in  the  West  is  to  make  Belgium  innocu- 
ous and  to  strengthen  our  base  on  the  North  Sea. 
Our  need  in  the  East  is  to  push  Russia  back  and 
gain  new  land  for  German  peasant  settlements. 
.  .  .  Our  military  situation  entitles  us  to  hope  that 

97 


\ 


r 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

both  needs  will  be  satisfied  by  the  peace  that  we 
shall  conclude. 

Friedrich  Meinecke,  "Praliminarien  der  Kriegsziele/' 
no.  31  (July  31,  1915),  p.  1014. 

Germany  knows  that  it  is  responsible  to  future 
generations  for  making  its  frontiers  permanently 
safe.  This  can  be  attained  only  by  making  Belgium 
permanently  innocuous  and  by  taking  possession 
of  the  line  of  the  Vistula,  the  Niemen  and  the  Dvina, 
together  with  all  the  fortresses.  .  .  .  There  is  need 
also  of  a  new  regulation  of  the  French  frontier. 

Karl  Bleibtreu,  in  "Neue  Ziiricher  Nachrichten"  (Jan- 
uary 15,  1916). 

Either  ransom  or  loot 

Whatever  one  may  think  of  questions  of  annexa- 
tion, the  financial  gain  of  our  occupation  of  terri- 
tory is  certain.  For  either  the  territories  will  be 
restored  later,  and  then  not  only  shall  we  be  en- 
titled to  demand  as  ransom  the  repayment  of  the 
costs  of  the  war  that  was  forced  upon  us,  but  our 
enemies  will  also  be  ready  to  make  any  sacrifice 
in  order  to  recover  their  former  possessions  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment ;  or  else  these  occupied  ter- 
ritories will  remain,  in  whole  or  in  part,  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Central  Powers.  .  .  . 

"Kolnische  Zeitung"  (August  22,  1915). 


Loot  already  under  cover 

The   quantity   of   merchandise  of  various   kinds 
seized  in  the  hostile  countries  is  so  great  that  the 

98 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

difficulty  of  storing  it  increases  every  day.  By 
request  of  the  Prussian  Minister  of  War,  all  the 
chambers  of  commerce  have  been  asked  to  give  all 
possible  information  regarding  warehouses,  sheds, 
etc.  ...  in  which  these  spoils  may  be  temporarily 
sheltered.  It  is  proposed  to  divide  the  merchan-  y  / 
disc  among  all  the  countries  of  the  Empire.*  ^^ 

"Frankfurter   Zeitung,"   cited   in   the   Paris    "Temps" 
(Jan.  5,  1915). 


The  tender  mercies  of  terrorism 

We  all  accept  the  principle  that,  for  the  guilt  of 
one,  the  whole  community  to  which  he  belongs 
must  atone.  The  village  from  which  the  inhab- 
itants have  fired  upon  our  troops  is  to  be  burned. 
If  the  guilty  party  is  not  discovered,  a  few  repre- 
sentatives are  to  be  chosen  among  the  population 
and  put  to  death  in  pursuance  of  the  rules  of 
martial  law.  .  .  .  The  innocent  must  atone  to- 
gether with  the  guilty,  and  if  the  latter  cannot  be 
discovered,  the  innocent  must  suffer  in  their  stead, 
not  because  a  crime  has  been  committed,  but  in 
order  that  crimes  shall  not  be  committed  in  the 
future.f  Every  time  a  village  is  set  on  fire,  hos- 
tages put  to  death,  and  the  inhabitants  of  a  town 
in  which  armed  resistance  has  been  offered  to  our 
invading  troops  are  decimated,  warning  is  given 
to  non-occupied  territory.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  burning  of  Battice,  Herve,  Louvain  and 
Dinant   have   served   as   warnings.     The  burning 

*  See  Appendix,  pp.  253,  254,  arts.  46,  47. 
tSce  Appendix,  p.  254,  art.  50.        ^— 

99 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

and  the  bloodshed  in  the  first  days  of  the  war  pre- 
vented the  larger  Belgian  towns  from  making  any 
attack  upon  the  weak  contingents  with  which  we 
have  been  able  to  hold  them.  .  .  . 

War  is  not  a  society  game.  War  is  hell-fire.  He 
who,  without  being  called  upon,  puts  his  finger  in 
it,  burns  his  hand,  his  soul,  his  life.  This  is  the 
lot  that  has  fallen  to  this  poor,  blinded,  misled 
Belgian  nation. 

Walter  Bloem,  in  the  "Kolnische  Zeitung''  (Feb.  lo, 
1915),  cited  in  "J^g^s  par  eux-memes,"  p.  48. 

"Belgium  does  not  exist" 

In  my  view  it  would  be  unsuitable  for  the  Ger- 
man Empire  to  conduct  any  sort  of  negotiation  with 
the  State  of  Belgium.  For  us  the  State  of  Bel- 
gium does  not  exist.  As  regards  the  Belgian  popu- 
lation, the  situation  may,  of  course,  be  different; 
the  demands  of  the  Flemings  for  a  free  development 
of  their  nationality  seems  particularly  justified.  .  .  . 

Count  Reventlow,  in  the  "Deutsche  Tageszeitung" 
(March  i,  1916). 

Germany  must  keep  her  soldiers*  graves 

The  blush  of  shame  rises  to  one's  face,  when  one 
thinks  of  the  many  thousands  of  German  soldiers* 
graves  which  have  had  to  be  dug  in  Flemish  soil 
and  which  some  Germans  would  surrender  need- 
lessly, because  of  an  unintelligible  self-restraint,  of 
^  an  imaginary  German  moderation — which,  how- 
ever, in  this  case  would  mean  suicide.  .  .  . 

"Kolnische  Volkszeitunjf'  (March  5,  1916). 
100 


UTTERANCES  OF- PUBLICISTS 

Germany  needs  Russian  soil 

For  the  Government  and  the  governed  the  fixed 
goal  is  from  today:  No  peace  that  does  not  guar- 
antee us  our  frontiers  in  the  East  and  in  the  West, 
the  weakening  of  Russia  by  annexation  of  terri- 
tory, control  of  Belgium  so  that  it  cannot  be  used 
as  a  French-English  military  base  and  as  a  sally- 
port. We  regard  a  weakening  of  Russia  as  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  our  future,  among  other  rea- 
sons because  we  need  land  for  settlement.  We  do 
not  believe  that  a  cession  of  land  must  needs  pro- 
duce permanently  bad  relations  with  our  eastern 
neighbor;  but  whatever  land  we  take  from  Russia, 
we  are  taking  for  our  own  sake  .  .  .  not  in  order 
to  liberate  Letts,  Lithuanians  or  other  peoples.  And 
it  is  quite  immaterial,  as  far  as  we  are  concerned, 
whether  we  taike  our  war  indemnity  in  land  from  a 
reactionary  or  a  liberal  Russia.  .  .  . 

"Tagliche  Rundschau"   (April  6,   1916). 

Our  comrade,  Ebert  .  .  .  quite  rightly  emphasized 
that  we  are  opposed  to  the  forcible  conquest  of 
other  nations.  Tho  Imperial  Chancellor  also  re- 
fused, in  December,  to  support  any  such  plans ;  but 
he  did  not  express  any  opposition  to  the  annexa- 
tion of  lemd  in  the  East  for  German  colonization. 
Like  all  the  world,  we  are  subject  to  the  power  of 
facts,  which  are  stronger  than  men  or  parties.  And 
it  is  no  characteristic  of  Socialism  to  place  itself 
in  conflict  with  new  developments. 

The  Social-Democratic  "Frankfurter  Volksstimme" 
(April  7,  1916). 

lOI 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

German  military  colonies 

We  hope  that  this  gigantic  struggle  will  bring 
such  an  increase  of  Germany's  power  that  our  Fa- 
therland shall  no  longer  have  to  fear  any  foe  in 
Europe.  It  is  important,  above  all,  to  win  better 
and  more  defensible  frontiers  in  the  East  and  in 
the  West  and  to  occupy  the  border  districts  which 
we  are  to  conquer  with  German  settlers.  In  this 
matter  the  system  of  military  colonies,  as  it  was 
employed  by  the  ancient  Romans  in  their  conquests, 
is  especially  to  be  recommended.  The  hostile  popu- 
lation would  be  partially  expropriated  at  the  cost 
of  our  present  foes,  and  would  be  replaced  espe- 
cially by  German  soldiers  who  had  completed  their 
service  and  by  those  invalided  in  war.  .  .  . 

Wolfgang  Eisenhart,  "Was  lehrt  der  Krieg  fiir  unsere 
nationale  Zukunft";  Address  delivered  March  i,  1915;  p. 
19. 

Proposed  frontiers  of  ''Middle  Europe" 

Russia  is  by  far  the  most  dangerous  enemy,  not 
only  of  Middle  Europe,  but  of  all  Europe  and  of 
the  whole  civilized  world.  .  .  .  The  object  of  any 
treaty  of  peace  must  therefore  be  to  preserve  Rus- 
sia's Asiatic  character  and,  so  far  as  possible,  to 
weaken  her  position  as  a  European  Great  Power. 
This  can  be  done  only  by  taking  from  her  those 
western  territories  which  are  most  valuable  from 
the  cultural  and  the  economic  points  of  view  and 
by  keeping  her  away  at  the  same  time  from  all 
European  seas  (except  the  White  Sea).  .  .  .  The 
boundary   that   should   be    drawn   would  .  .  .  run 

102 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

from  Kronstadt  by  way  of  Brest-Litovsk  and 
Taganrog  to  Baku,  Finland  of  course  being  includ- 
ed. Besides  the  razing  of  all  Russia's  western 
fortresses,  especially  the  fortresses  on  the  sea,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  take  from  her  Finland,  Es- 
thonia,  Livonia,  Kurland,  Poland,  Volhynia,  Po- 
dolia,  Bessarabia,  portions  of  Little  Russia  and  of 
South  Russia,  Taurida  (Krim)  and  the  Caucasus. 
...  In  the  Balkans,  if  these  are  freed  from  Russian 
assistance  and  intrigues,  two  kingdoms,  Servia  and 
Montenegro,  should  be  wiped  completely  off  the 
map.  .  .  . 

There  can  be  no  united  and  powerful  Middle 
Europe  so  long  as  France  retains  her  present  size 
and  power.  To  deprive  her  of  these  must  be  the 
object  of  any  treaty  of  peace.  Of  course  it  is  not 
a  question  solely  of  acquisition  of  territory,  for 
nations  can  be  ruined  by  war  indemnities  or  by 
commercial  treaties,  but  of  these  we  are  not  talk- 
ing at  present.  We  are  asking  only :  What  cessions 
of  territory  are  necessary  in  order  to  lessen  by  two 
the  number  of  Great  Powers  in  Europe?  What 
is  necessary  for  this  purpose? 

Whether  the  cession  of  northern  seaports  will 
come  into  question  is  a  matter  that  had  better  not 
be  discussed  at  present.  Possibly  the  Middle  States 
may  even  need  a  port  on  the  Mediterranean  like 
Toulon,  which  would  necessarily  involve  the  an- 
nexation of  Nice.  .  .  .  That  France  must  lose  all 
the  north  coast  of  Africa  that  belongs  to  her  is  the 
more  certain,  because  she  would  not  be  sufficiently 
crippled  by  war  indemnities  alone.  Nor  would  it 
he  enough  to  insist  on  the  transfer  of  her  fleet,  but 

103 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

among  her  fortresses  those  that  protect  harbors 
must  first  be  razed ;  and  one  of  the  most  important 
conditions  of  peace  that  we  should  strive  to  obtain 
^  would  be  that  she  should  maintain  only  a  commer- 
cial fleet.  France  should  be  forced  into  a  position 
similar  to  that  now  held  by  Spain.  .  .  , 

.  .  .  The  punishment  that  England  would  find 
most  severe  would  perhaps  be  her  complete  ex- 
clusion from  the  Mediterranean.  .  .  .  She  would 
be  shut  off  from  Malta  and  the  other  islands  if 
Gibraltar  were  taken  from  her  and  if  Tangiers 
ceased  to  be  neutral.  .  .  . 

...  If  any  part  of  these  protecting  walls  is  de- 
fectively constructed,  our  culture  will  be  perma- 
nently injured  or  perhaps  annihilated  before  an- 
other generation.  Then  the  great  sacrifice  of  life 
would  have  been  made  not  for  life,  but  only  for 
death. 

A.  Oelzelt-Newin,  "Welche  Strafe  soil  die  treffen,  die 
Schuld  am  Weltkrieg  tragen"   (1915),  pp.  12-16. 

(  Middle  Europe  must  consider  strategic  necessi- 
ties in  fixing  her  eastern  boundaries.  .  .  .  East 
Prussia  needs  stronger  protection  on  the  North  and 
on  the  East.  ...  In  the  West  military  considera- 
tions demand  a  greater  extension  of  the  geographic 
boundary.  ...  If  the  military  object  of  gaining 
permanent  security  against  France  and  also  the 
freedom  of  the  seas  is  to  be  really  attained,  the 
northeastern  part  of  France,  as  a  number  of  lead- 
ing statesmen  have  already  indicated,  must  be 
brought  within  the  German  northwestern  frontier, 
as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Somme,  somewhere  along 

104 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

the  line  Vignacourt-Bapaume-Verdun-St.  Mihiel- 
Pont  a  Mousson.  .  .  .  The  establishment  of  this 
frontier,  together  with  the  taking  of  Belfort  and 
its  environs,  which  are  necessary  for  the  protec- 
tion of  South  Germany,  seems  thoroughly  justified. 
...  As  regards  the  annexation  of  Belgium  to  Mid- 
dle Europe,  to  which  the  majority  of  its  inhabitants 
belong  as  regards  language,  no  further  words  need 
be  wasted;  it  is  a  matter  of  course. 

In  the  southwest  the  geographical  frontier  must 
in  like  manner  be  pushed  forward,  in  order  that 
Triest,  one  of  the  most  important  points  for  Mid- 
dle Europe,  may  be  removed  from  hostile  attack. 
.  .  .  The  northern  part  of  Venetia,  the  districts  of 
Friuli  and  Treviso,  up  to  a  line  running  from  the 
south  end  of  Lake  Garda  to  the  mouth  of  the  Piave, 
must  be  taken  as  a  glacis  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps  in 
order  to  ward  off  from  Austria's  Adriatic  coast  all 
future  menace.  On  national  grounds,  however,  this 
necessary  line  of  security  may  and  will  be  pushed 
forward  a  few  kilometers.  .  .  . 

Albert  Ritter,  "Der  Organische  Aufbau  Europas" 
(1916),  pp.  27-28. 


Organization  of  Middle  Europe 

The  extent  of  the  Middle  European  Federation, 
the  series  of  States  that  are  to  be  included,  has 
already  repeatedly  been  indicated:  Sweden,  Den- 
mark, Norway,  Holland,  Switzerland,  Rumania  and 
Bulgaria  are  gradually  to  enter  the  union  primarily 
formed  by  the  two  Empires  and,  with  Turkey,  they 
will  fill  out  the  framework  of  that  "North  Cape- 

105 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Bagdad"   Federal  Empire  of  which  so  much  has 
been  said.  .  .  . 

Treaties  of  political  alliance  form  the  basis  of 
the  Federation;  closer  economic  connections,  the 
establishment  of  common  standards  of  value,  cus- 
toms unions,  military  conventions  will  follow,  un- 
til within  a  few  decades  a  union  will  be  created 
that  will  defy  all  storms.  .  .  . 

Ritter,  ibid.,  pp.  49.  53- 


Outlines  of  the  German  World  Empire 

.  .  .  There  are  those  who  think  they  are  obliged 
to  oppose  any  extension  of  our  frontiers,  although 
this  is  open  treason  against  the  heroic  courage  of 
our  warriors  in  the  field.  ...  If  moderation  is 
everything,  we  might  have  obtained  the  same  re- 
sults with  smaller  sacrifices,  perhaps  even  without 
a  war.  .  .  . 

Our  relation  to  our  neighbors  in  the  West  is  rela- 
tively easy  to  determine.  .  .  .  Completely  exhaust- 
ed financially  and  called  upon  to  pay  a  very  heavy 
war  indemnity,  France  would  regard  the  loss  of  a 
great  part  of  her  African  colonial  possessions  as  a 
liberation  from  a  burden  which  then  more  than  ever 
would  exhaust  her  powers.  .  .  . 

If  England  owed  her  former  superiority  to  her 
insular  position  and  to  the  impossibility  of  attack- 
ing her  by  land,  it  must  be  our  aim  to  establish 
such  boundaries  that  we  can  reach  England,  that 
is,  English  possessions,  by  the  land  route.  .  .  . 

The  distance  from  Berlin  to  Bombay  .  .  .  cor- 
responds roughly  to  that  between  Petrograd  and 

io6 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

Vladivostok,  and  to  surmount  this  presented  no 
insuperable  difficulties  even  to  a  State  like  Russia 
during  its  war  with  Japan.  .  .  . 

Here  then  is  to  be  found  the  true  and  the  single 
solution  of  the  problem  of  getting  rid  of  the  yoke 
that  England  has  thrown  upon  the  world.  We 
must  cut  off  her  connection  with  her  richest  col- 
onies, South  Africa  and  India,  and  against  these 
colonies  we  must  establish  strong  frontiers  which 
.  .  .  shall  be  connected  with  our  own  railway  sys- 
tem and  that  of  our  Allies.  .  .  . 

From  such  points  of  view,  the  idea  of  establish- 
ing a  Federation  which  carries  us  over  the  Balkans 
and  through  Turkey  to  the  gates  of  India  and  of 
Cape  Colony  becomes  of  new  significance;  and  we 
see  that  this  solution  will  be  attained  because  it 
must  be  attained.  .  .  . 

Franz  Kohler,  "Der  neue  Dreibund"  (1915),  pp.  2,  33, 
82-83. 

Germany's  African  Empire 

The  World  War  has  welded  Central  Europe  to- 
gether and  has  done  much  to  give  tangible  shape 
to  the  Berlin-Bagdad  idea,  which  before  the  war 
was  very  much  a  matter  of  theory.  The  problem 
of  Egypt  also  has  been  brought  into  the  World 
War;  and  through  Egypt  the  way  leads  up  the 
Nile  into  the  heart  of  Africa,  into  those  regions  that 
lie  between  the  German  colonies  in  eastern  and 
western  Africa.  Egypt  and  its  hinterland  again  in 
possession  of  Germany's  ally,  Turkey;  in  the  heart 
of  Africa  the  possibilities  of  German  territorial 
connections,   so   much   discussed   before   the   war, 

107 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

converted  into  realities — on  the  political  horizon 
we  see  the  "Cape  to  Cairo  to  Singapore"  vision  of 
the  future  grow  pale  and  the  vision  "Hamburg  to 
Damascus  to  Luderitz  Bay"  arising  again! 

Arthur  Dix,  in  the  "Tag"  (June  4,  1915). 

We  must  proclaim  it  as  our  national  task  to  be- 
come a  real  colonial  power  in  Africa.  .  .  .  Gains  of 
territory  in  Europe,  which  are  necessary  to  im- 
prove our  frontiers  and  our  continental  position,  but 
also  colonies  in  Africa  must  be  the  prize  of  victory ! 

The  establishment  of  such  an  Empire  at  the  cost 
of  the  French  would  deprive  France  of  a  recruiting 
ground,  of  which  in  future  it  could  and  necessarily 
would  make  far  greater  use  than  now,  were  it  to 
remain  in  possession  of  its  African  territories.  In 
losing  them  France  would  be  sensibly  weakened. 

To  those  who  guide  our  destinies  we  must  say: 
"Continental  power  and  colonial  power!  In  fol- 
lowing one  of  these  guiding  stars  do  not  forget 
the  other!" 

Kuno  Waltemath  in  "Preussische  Jahrbiicher"  (Janu- 
ary, 1916),  pp.  42,  48. 

I  agree  fully  and  gladly  with  those  who  advocate 
an  increase  of  our  territory  outside  of  Europe.  I 
think,  too,  that  we  can  relieve  certain  States  which 
possess  African  colonies  of  the  task  of  administer- 
ing them.  If  Portugal  is  really  bound  by  treaty  to 
send  her  fleet  and  her  army  to  the  aid  of  England, 
we  might  make  it  very  easy  for  that  country  to  get 
rid  of  Angola  at  a  very  low  price !  We  had  in- 
tended to  buy  this  West  African  colony;  but  it 
would  be  better  to  pay  nothing  for  it  and  to  take  the 

108 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

Azores,  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  and  Madeira,  to 
boot.  .  .  . 

Alfred  Ruhemann,  in  "Die  Vemichtung  der  englischen 
Weltmacht"    (1915),  p.   145. 

Assuming  that  at  the  end  of  this  war  the  Belgian 
Congo  will  form  part  of  the  booty  that  falls  to  us, 
we  need  not  burst  into  great  jubilation  over  its  ac- 
quisition. Of  course  we  shall  take  all  the  territory 
that  we  can  get,  for  territory  always  has  value.  .  .  . 
The  question  of  Angola  is  quite  different.  .  .  . 
There  in  the  future  there  may  some  time  be  a  really 
extensive  German  settlement — that  is,  what  is 
called  in  Africa  "extensive  settlement,"  in  which  the 
negro  must  be  and  remain  the  real  tiller  of  the 
soil.  ... 

Central  Africa  alone  would  give  us  extensive  ter- 
ritory, but  no  proportional  internal  colonial  values. 
We  need,  therefore,  a  really  sufficient  acquisition  in 
another  direction;  but  at  present  we  prefer  not  to 
reveal  this  aim.  .  .  . 

Paul  Rohrbach,  "Unsere  koloniale  Zukunft"  (1915), 
pp.  14-17. 

German  aims  in  China 

The  Japanese  have  taken  Tsing-tao,  but  to  leave 
Japan  at  work  in  China  is  not  to  be  thought  of.  .  .  . 
This  would  be  a  crime  against  the  future  of  China, 
of  Germany  and  of  the  civilization  of  the  world. 
If  England  paid  the  Japanese  to  go  to  Tsing-tao, 
she  may  also  pay  them  to  go  away.  .  .  .  Our  base 
of  support  in  China  we  must  and  shall  recover. 
Whatever   nation    is    intrusted   with    the    task    of 

109 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

bringing  China  into  connection  with  the  civilization 
of  the  world,  of  combining  the  spirit  of  the  Far 
East  with  that  of  the  Occident,  will  be  doing  work 
that  will  be  decisive  for  a  greater  stretch  of  the 
future  of  our  race  than  we  can  now  foresee.  .  .  . 
The  German  World  Idea  will  forever  remain  patch- 
work, unless  it  secures  a  decisive  external  and  in- 
ternal part  in  the  mighty  process  of  change  in  which 
the  Chinese  world  is  now  involved. 

Paul  Rohrbach,  "Der  deutsche  Gedanke  in  der  Welt" 
(1914),  p.  21. 

Which  of  the  great  European  civilized  nations  is 
to  serve  as  architect  for  the  external  and  internal 
reconstruction  of  China?  Surely  not  the  Japanese; 
they  are  Asiatics.  .  .  .  The  most  obvious  question 
is  whether  it  will  be  the  English.  We  may  hope 
today  that,  after  this  war,  they  probably  will  not 
be  able  to  discharge  this  task.  Whether  we  shall 
assume  it  will  depend  upon  our  position  after  the 
war.  If  we  are  victorious  we  shall  probably  play 
a  great  role  in  eastern  Asia. 

Paul  Rohrbach,  "Unsere  koloniale  Zukunftsarbeit" 
(I9I5)>  PP-  68-69. 

The  Achilles*  heel  of  the  British  Empire 

The  same  people  who  .  .  .  asserted  that  a  war 
between  World  Powers  at  the  present  time  could 
not  possibly  last  longer  than  a  few  months,  are 
now  saying  with  the  same  assurance :  *'Of  course 
it  is  impossible  to  overthrow  England's  power  in  a 
single  war."  This  is  by  no  means  impossible;  it 
is,  on  the  contrary,  quite  possible,  if  we  start  with 

no 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 

Egypt.  England's  fatality  was  the  building  of  the 
Suez  Canal.  ...  If  the  English  military  forces  in 
Egypt,  all  the  Australians,  Canadians,  Hindus  and 
real  English  regiments,  surrender  to  the  Turks  or 
are  forced  to  take  to  their  ships  in  Alexandria,  a 
blow  will  be  struck  that  will  be  heard  from  Gibral- 
tar to  Singapore;  and  under  this  blow  the  entire 
dome  of  British  world  dominion  will  crash  down 
with  the  broken  keystone.  .  .  . 

The  day  when  England  shall  clearly  see  its  des- 
tiny .  .  .  will  be  the  birthday  of  the  new  Germany 
beyond  the  seas.  On  that  day  we  shall  pay  to  our 
brave  men  in  Southwest  Africa,  in  East  Africa,  in 
Cameroon,  in  Togo,  in  Tsing-tao  and  in  the  South 
Sea,  our  thanks  for  the  way  in  which  they  have 
discharged  their  duty;  and  we  shall  write  these 
thanks  in  bold  lines,  not  on  paper  or  bronze  or  stone, 
but  on  the  map  of  the  world.  .  .  . 

Paul  Rohrbach,  "Unser  Kolonialbesitz,"  no.  37  (Sept. 
11,  1915). 

Calais  is  on  the  circumference,  Suez  is  at  the 
center  of  the  English  World  Empire.  .  .  .  Calais 
menaces  one  of  the  many  routes  to  and  from  Eng- 
land. Suez  cuts  off  the  single  direct  connection 
between  European  England  and  her  African,  Asiat- 
ic and  Australian  possessions;  it  strikes  what  is 
really  the  vital  nerve.  Calais  is  a  blow  of  the  fist 
that  stuns  .  .  .  Suez  is  a  stab  in  the  heart  that 
kills  .  .  .  and  therefore  an  object  most  fervently 
to  be  desired.  .  .  . 

Ernst  Jackh,  "Calais  oder  Suez,"  no.  26  (June  26, 
I9I5)»  pp.  841,  846. 

Ill 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Never  before  has  the  saying  of  Bismarck  been 
so  true  as  now:  **England  needs  Egypt  like  her 
daily  bread,  on  account  of  the  Suez  Canal,  the  most 
direct  line  of  connection  between  the  eastern  and 
western  halves  of  the  Empire.  It  is  like  the  nerve 
in  the  neck  that  connects  the  spine  with  the  brain/** 
.  .  .  Neither  now  nor  at  any  time  in  the  future  can 
we  allow  England,  by  timely  diplomatic  artifices, 
to  wrest  from  our  hands  the  Egyptian  whip.  The 
ceterum  censeo  of  this  war  must  continue  to  be: 
The  Suez  Canal  must  be  conquered ! 

Carl  Anton  Schafer,  "Bismarck's  Aegypten-  und  In- 
dienpolitik,  no.  45  (Nov.  6,  1915.) 


The  taking  of  London 

...  In  general,  the  problem  of  making  England 
.  .  .  innocuous  and  her  overthrow  as  useful  as  pos- 
sible for  us  may  best  be  solved  if  we  make  ourselves 
masters  (from  a  military  point  of  view)  of  the  Euro- 
pean center  of  the  British  Empire.  The  road  from 
Gravelotte  and  Verdun  to  Dunkirk  and  Boulogne 
might  be  continued  by  the  occupation  of  a  bridge- 
head at  Dover — a  castle  on  English  soil.  This  pro- 
posal may  seem  fantastic,  but  it  is  quite  as  easy  to 
carry  it  through  as  a  landing  on  British  soil,  and 
without  this  the  war  must  last  for  years.  Only  the 
taking  of  London,  which  we  shall  live  to  see,  will 
make  peace  possible,  and  after  the  taking  of  Lon- 
don one  treaty  provision  may  just  as  well  be  ex- 
acted as  another.  .  .  . 

Albert  Ritter  ("Konrad  von  Winterstetten"),  "Nord- 
kap-Bagdad"  (1915),  PP-  33>  34-  * 

112 


UTTERANCES  OF  PUBLICISTS 
How  Germany  will  negotiate  peace 

A  rough  time  calls  for  a  ready  fist.  We  saw  how 
it  came  clenched  out  of  the  pocket  to  meet  duplicity 
and  falsehood  and  what  a  clean  sweep  it  made.  In 
the  coming  diplomatic  discussions,  in  which  the 
slippery  adroitness  of  the  foreign  negotiators  will 
once  more  bring  out  and  dish  up,  as  bright  as  new, 
mendacious  complaints  of  our  aggression,  we  look 
to  see  it  drive  down,  in  Bismarckian  style,  on  the 
green  table  and  set  the  ink-bottles  dancing,  un- 
less we  get  what  belongs  to  us,  what  we  regard 
as  necessary  for  an  enduring  peace. 

Alfred  Ruhemann,  in  "Die  Vernichtung  der  englischen 
Weltmacht"  (1915),  p.  146. 

The  severest  of  Germany's  terms 

[Our  enemies]  must  also  pay,  and  must  pay  a 
very  high  price,  for  the  injuries  they  have  inflicted 
upon  our  interests  and  upon  our  good  name  by  the 
lies  they  have  spread  over  the  whole  world.  Ger- 
many must  insist  that,  in  the  treaty  of  peace  to  be 
signed  by  our  enemies,  they  themselves  shall  con- 
fess that  they  forced  the  war  upon  us  and  that  they 
have  lied  to  the  whole  civilized  world.  So  only  can 
we  stand  justified  before  the  tribunal  of  history. 

"Wann  wird  der  Krieg  beendigt  sein?"  by  **Diplomati- 
cus"  (October,  1914),  p.  i6. 


CHAPTER  V 
UTTERANCES  OF  POETS 

The  Germans 

I  have  often  been  deeply  pained  to  think  of  this 
German  nation,  so  worthy  in  its  individuals  and  so 
pitiable  as  a  whole.  The  comparison  of  the  Ger- 
man people  with  other  peoples  rouses  painful  feel- 
ings that  I  have  tried  by  every  possible  means  to 
avoid. 

Goethe,  conversation  with  Luden,  November,  1813; 
Works  (Biedermann's  ed.),  "Gesprache,"  vol.  iii,  p.  103. 

The  Germans  are  much  more  revengeful  than  the 
Romance  peoples;  this  is  because  they  are  ideal- 
ists, even  in  hatred.  We  Germans  hate  long  and 
hate  deeply,  to  our  last  breath.  .  .  . 

Heinrich  Heine. 

The  Prussians 

The  Prussians  are  cruel  by  nature;  civilization 
will  make  them  ferocious. 

Goethe. 

The  Prussians  .  .  .  nature  has  made  them  stu- 
pid, science  has  made  them  wicked. 

Heinrich  Heine. 
114 


UTTERANCES  OF  POETS 

A  prophecy  fulfilled 

.  .  .  Christianity  has  to  a  certain  extent  softened 
this  brutal  belligerent  ardor  of  the  Teutons,  but  it 
has  not  been  able  to  destroy  it ;  and  when  the  Cross 
— the  talisman  that  fetters  it — shall  be  broken,  then 
the  ferocity  of  the  old-time  fighters,  the  frenzied 
exaltation  of  the  Berserkers,  whose  praises  are  still 
sung  by  the  poets  of  the  North,  will  again  burst 
forth.  Then — and  alas !  this  day  will  surely  come 
— the  old  war  gods  will  arise  from  their  legendary 
tombs  and  wipe  the  dust  of  ages  from  their  eyes; 
Thor  will  arise  with  his  gigantic  hammer  and  de- 
molish the  Gothic  cathedrals.  .  .  . 

Heinrich  Heine,  "De  TAllemagne"  (1855),  vol.  i,  p.. 
181. 

A  prophecy  not  yet  fulfilled 

Not  only  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  but  all  France  and 
Europe  as  well  as  the  whole  world  will  belong  to 
us.  Yes,  the  whole  world  will  be  German.  Often,, 
walking  the  woods  of  my  Fatherland,  have  I 
dreamed  of  this  German  supremacy. 

Heinrich  Heine. 

Vierordt's  song  of  hate 
Germany,  Hate! 

There  was  a  time  when  the  hordes  of  a  Mongolian 
chieftain  overran  us  with  a  great  clashing  of  swords ; 
and  a  dais  was  built  for  the  chieftain's  throne  by 
piling  up  the  skulls  of  Teutonic  warriors. 

There  was  a  time  when  the  bands  of  the  French 
115 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Revolution  pressed  on  from  the  West  to  attack  us ; 
with  them  came  the  mocking  Gallic  spirit,  and  the 
hand  of  pillage  waved  the  torch  of  arson  in  the 
name  of  Liberty,  Equality  and  Fraternity. 

There  was  a  time  when  the  armies  of  the  North- 
men overran  us,  spreading  over  all  the  land  death, 
flames  and  horror.  They  ascended  the  rivers  at 
night,  by  the  light  of  the  moon,  to  throw  themselves 
into  battle  like  dragons  come  out  of  the  sea. 

And  now  they  all  attack  at  once,  like  vultures 
seeking  their  prey;  like  bandits  all  three  assail 
thee,  my  poor  Germany,  so  tranquil  under  thy 
great  spruce  trees — the  Gallic  coiner  of  phrases, 
the  English  robber,  the  Russian  barbarian. 

O  my  Germany,  into  thy  soul  thou  must  etch  a 
deep  and  indelible  hate;  this  hate  thou  hast  lacked 
for  a  long,  long  time.  Retribution,  vengeance,  fury 
are  demanded;  stifle  in  thy  heart  all  human  feeling 
and  hasten  to  the  fight. 

O  Germany,  hate!  Slaughter  thy  foes  by  the 
millions  and  of  their  reeking  corpses  build  a  monu- 
ment that  shall  reach  the  clouds. 

O  Germany,  hate  now !  Arm  thyself  in  steel  and 
pierce  with  thy  bayonet  the  heart  of  every  foe;  no 
prisoners!  Lock  all  their  lips  in  silence;  turn  our 
neighbors'  lands  into  deserts. 

O  Germany,  hate!  Salvation  will  come  of  thy 
wrath.  Beat  in  their  skulls  with  rifle-butts  and 
with  axes.  These  bandits  are  beasts  of  the  chase, 
they  are  not  men.  Let  your  clenched  fist  enforce 
the  judgment  of  God. 

O  Germany,  the  time  to  hate  has  come.  Strike 
and  thrust,  true  and  hard.     Battalions,  batteries, 

ii6 


UTTERANCES  OF  POETS 

squadrons,  all  to  the  front!  Afterwards  thou  wilt 
stand  erect  on  the  ruins  of  the  world,  healed  for- 
ever of  thine  ancient  madness,  of  thy  love  for  the 
alien. 

The  poet*s  reply  to  a  Swiss  critic 

The  Swiss  daily  "Easier  Nachrichten"  reproduced  a 
part  of  this  poem  and  expressed  the  opinion  that  its 
author  had  lost  all  human  feeling. 

Herr  Vierordt,  in  reply,  wrote  an  open  letter  to  the 
"Easier  Nachrichten"  which  it  published  October  15,  1914 
(no.  493).     Extracts  from  this  letter  are  appended. 

Gentlemen  : 

Not  long  ago  I  published  a  poem  entitled,  "Ger- 
many, Hate !"  This  poem  made  something  of  a 
stir  in  Germany  and  abroad.  In  a  friendly  and 
generous  spirit  I  appended  the  statement:  "Re- 
production authorized."  I  naturally  assumed  that 
those  who  might  avail  themselves  of  this  permis- 
sion would  have  enough  literary  and  artistic  tact 
to  reproduce  the  whole  poem.  But  you,  gentle- 
men, and  after  you  a  whole  series  of  newspapers, 
have  picked  out  two  stanzas  and  have  reproduced 
them  with  comments.  I  am  sorry  to  be  obliged  to 
use  a  very  impolite  expression:  you  have  acted 
like  thieves  who  pry  drawers  open  and  take  out 
what  suits  their  purposes,  scattering  the  rest  on 
the  floor. 

If  you  suppress  certain  parts  of  my  poem,  you  run 
the  risk  of  completely  falsifying  its  meaning.  You 
act  exactly  like  a  vandal  who  should  needlessly 
break  off  the  arms  and  the  legs  of  a  statuette,  or 

117 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

destroy  a  cathedral  with  artillery.  This  compari- 
son may  seem  to  you  ridiculous;  but  whether  a 
work  of  architecture  or  a  piece  of  literature  is  con- 
cerned, the  principle  is  the  same.  A  poem  perfect 
in  form  is  a  work  of  architectural  art,  and  only  the 
unskilled  fingers  of  an  amateur  would  venture  to 
disfigure  it. 

Certain  stanzas  separated  from  my  entire  work 
make  a  somewhat  brutal  impression ;  it  is  so  in  the 
case  of  the  two  stanzas  cited  by  you.  .  .  .  All  the 
same,  in  writing  my  poem  I  have  not  by  any  means 
lost — as  you  politely  remark — "all  human  feeling." 
Quite  the  contrary.  If  the  treasury  of  the  German 
language  contained  expressions  of  hatred  and  of 
anger  a  thousand  times  stronger,  I  would  have 
hurled  them  in  the  world's  face.  Were  there  any- 
thing a  thousand  times  worse  than  death,  I  should 
wish  it  for  the  accursed  enemies  of  my  Fatherland! 

You,  honorable  sir,  belong  to  a  neutral  country, 
and  you  will  never  be  able  to  think  yourself  into 
the  soul  of  a  German,  aroused  to  the  last  degree 
by  the  treacherous  attack  of  Europe  upon  Ger- 
Imany.  .  .  .  My  concluding  lines: 


Afterwards  thou  wilt  stand  erect  on  the  ruins  of 

the  world, 
Healed  forever  of  thine  ancient  madness, 
Of  thy  love  for  the  alien — 

answer  a  desire  long  felt  by  every  true  German. 
The  worst  means  may  well  be  used  to  attain  this 
end.     This   is  the  quintessence  of  my  poem,  the 

ii8 


UTTERANCES  OF  POETS 

deeper  meaning  of  this  poetic  work  based   upon 
history.  .  .  . 

To  those  who  think  me  too  violent,  I  make  this 
simple  answer:  It  is  God  who  urged  me,  who  en- 
joined me  to  write  this  work  with  words  of  power. 
There  is  still  a  God  of  force,  of  pride,  who  takes 
pleasure  in  seeing  the  German  Michael  at  last 
aroused;  but,  Michael,  you  still  need  spurring.  .  .  . 
This  God  has  chosen  his  German  people  to  be 
wrought  into  an  engine  of  destruction,  to  be  hurled 
against  another  people  who  are  always  on  edge,  who 
will  not  let  us  live  and  labor  in  peace,  and  whose 
mad  ambition  proves  its  barbarism  by  leading  bar- 
barian peoples  against  us.  When  it  comes  to  fight- 
ing these  enemies,  these  Kabyles,  these  Moroccans, 
these  Hindus,  these  Cossacks,  then  there  are  no 
longer  any  laws  of  war.  There  is  but  one  way :  kill, 
kill,  kill  them  all ! 

Our  great  poet,  Heinrich  von  Kleist,  wrote  long 
ago :  "Kill  them ;  the  tribunal  of  the  world  will  not 
question  your  motives.'' 

Yes !  There  is  a  God  who  loves  the  savage  on- 
slaught, and  who,  as  the  creator  of  the  universe, 
also  loves  words  that  hit  hard.  To  this  God  the 
shouts  of  the  strong  are  sweeter  than  the  moaning 
of  old  women.  .  .  . 

Heinrich  Vierordt. 

Lissauer's  song  of  hate 

This  poem,  entitled  "Hate  against  England,"  was  com- 
posed by  Ernst  Lissauer,  a  soldier  in  the  loth  Bavarian 
infantry  regiment.  By  order  of  the  commander-in-chief 
it  was  distributed  among  all  the  Bavarian  troops  in  the 

119 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

field — ^with  the  omission,  however,  of  the  second  stanza. 
The  author  was  decorated  by  the  German  Emperor. 

What  do  we  care  for  the  Russians  and  French? 

Shot  against  shot  and  thrust  for  thrust! 

We  love  them  not,  we  hate  them  not; 

We  guard  the  Vistula  and  the  passes  of  the  Vosges. 

We  have  but  one  single  hate; 

We  love  as  one,  we  hate  as  one ; 

We  have  but  one  single  foe, 
Whom  you  all  know,  whom  you  all  know. 
He  sits  crouched  behind  the  gray  flood. 
Full  of  envy,  full  of  fury,  full  of  craft,  full  of  guile. 
Set  apart  by  waters  that  are  thicker  than  blood. 
We  wish   to  go  before  a  seat  of  judgment 
To  swear  an  oath,  face  to  face, 
An  oath  of  metal  no  wind  can  blow  away, 
An  oath  for  children  and  children's  children. 
Hearken  to  the  word,  repeat  the  word. 
It  rolls  on  through  all  Germany: 

We  will  not  forbear  from  our  hate; 

We  have  all  but  one  hate; 

We  love  as  one,  we  hate  as  one; 

We  have  all  but  one  foe — 
England ! 

In  the  quarter-deck  cabin,  the  banqueting  room, 
Ship's  officers  sat  at  their  friendly  feast. 
Like  a  saber  blow,  like  the  swing  of  a  sail, 
One  jerked  his  glass  aloft  for  a  toast. 
Curt  and  sharp  as  the  catch  of  an  oar. 
Three  words  he  uttered:    "To  the  Day!" 
On  whose  score  was  the  glass? 

120 


UTTERANCES  OF  POETS 

They  had  all  but  one  hate. 
Whom  had  they  in  mind? 
They  had  all  but  one  foe — 
England ! 

Take  the  peoples  of  the  earth  in  your  pay; 

Build  walls  of  bars  of  gold; 

Cover  the  ocean  with  bow  beside  bow; 

You  reckoned  shrewdly,  yet  not  shrewdly  enough. 

What  do  we  care  for  the  Russians  and  French? 

Shot  against  shot,  and  thrust  for  thrust! 

We  fight  the  fight  with  bronze  and  steel, 

And  some  day  or  other  we  make  our  peace. 

You  we  shall  hate  with  enduring  hate; 

We  shall  not  forbear  from  our  hate. 

Hate  on   water  and  hate  on   land, 

Hate  of  the  head  and  hate  of  the  hand, 

Hate  of  the  hammers  and  hate  of  the  crowns. 

Throttling  hate  of  seventy  millions. 

They  love  as  one,  they  hate  as  one; 

They  all  have  but  one  foe — 
England ! 

Song  of  the  German  sword 

The  following  poem  was  sent  by  a  Bern  correspondent 
to  the  "Pall  Mall  Gazette,"  and  was  printed  in  that  journal 
October  7,  1915.  The  correspondent  stated  that  "the  com- 
position appeared  in  Leipzig  a  week  or  so  ago  and  has 
already  run  into  half  a  dozen  editions/'  It  was  reprinted 
by  the  Rev.  Dr.  L.  P.  Jacks,  president  of  Manchester  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  in  the  "Hibbert  Journal,"  April,  1916,  with 
the  statement :    "Further  inquiries  have  confirmed  its  gen- 


121 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

It  is  no  duty  of  mine  to  be  either  just  or  com- 
passionate; it  suffices  that  I  am  sanctified  by  my 
exalted  mission,  and  that  I  blind  the  eyes  of  my 
enemies  with  such  streams  of  tears  as  shall  make 
the  proudest  of  them  cringe  in  terror  under  the 
vault  of  heaven. 

I  have  slaughtered  the  old  and  the  sorrowful;  I 
have  struck  off  the  breasts  of  women;  and  I  have 
run  through  the  bodies  of  children,  who  gazed  at  me 
with  the  eyes  of  the  wounded  lion. 

Day  after  day  I  ride  aloft  on  the  shadowy  horse 
in  the  valley  of  cypresses ;  and  as  I  ride  I  draw  forth 
the  life  blood  from  every  enemy's  son  that  dares  to 
dispute  my  path. 

It  is  meet  and  right  that  I  should  cry  aloud  my 
pride,  for  am  I  not  the  flaming  messenger  of  the 
Lord  Almighty? 

Germany  is  so  far  above  and  beyond  all  the  other 
nations  that  all  the  rest  of  the  earth,  be  they  who 
they  may,  should  feel  themselves  well  cared  for 
when  they  are  allowed  to  fight  with  the  dogs  for  the 
crumbs  that  fall  from  her  table. 

When  Germany  the  divine  is  happy,  then  the  rest 
of  the  world  basks  in  smiles;  but  when  Germany 
suffers,  God  in  person  is  rent  with  anguish,  and, 
wrathful  and  avenging.  He  turns  all  the  waters 
into  rivers  of  blood. 


CHAPTER  VI 

UTTERANCES   OF  CAPTAINS   OF  INDUSTRY  AND 
COMMERCE  AND  OF  ECONOMISTS 


Annexationist  memorial  of  six  great  industrial 
associations 

...  In  addition  to  the  demand  for  a  Colonial 
Empire  that  shall  fully  satisfy  the  many-sided  eco- 
nomic interests  of  Germany,  in  addition  to  securing 
our  future  in  the  matter  of  customs  and  trade  pol- 
icy and  the  attainment  of  a  sufficient  .  .  .  war  in- 
demnity, [the  undersigned  associations]  find  the 
chief  aim  of  the  conflict  that  has  been  forced  upon 
us  in  the  securing  and  improvement  of  the  German 
Empire's  basis  of  existence  in  Europe,  and  par- 
ticularly in  the  following  directions. 

Belgium  ...  as  regards  military  and  customs 
policy,  and  also  as  regards  monetary,  banking  and 
postal  systems,  must  be  subjected  to  German 
imperial  legislation.  Railroads  and  canals  are  to 
be  made  portions  of  our  transportation  system. 
For  the  rest,  after  separating  the  country  into  a 
Walloon  district  and  a  preponderantly  Flemish  dis- 
trict, and  after  transferring  to  Germans  the  eco- 
nomic undertakings  and  possessions  that  are  im- 
portant for  the  domination  of  the  country,  its  gov- 

123 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

eminent  and  administration  must  be  so  conducted 
that  the  inhabitants  shall  obtain  no  influence  upon 
the  political  destinies  of  the  German  Empire. 

As  regards  France  .  .  .  the  possession  of  the 
coast  beyond  the  Belgian  frontier,  perhaps  to  the 
Somme,  and  therewith  an  outlet  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  must  be  regarded  as  vital  to  our  future  im- 
portance on  the  sea.  The  hinterland  that  is  to  be 
acquired  with  this  coast  strip  must  be  sufficient  to 
secure  complete  strategic  control  and  economic  ex- 
ploitation of  the  ports  that  we  acquire  on  the  Chan- 
nel. Apart  from  the  necessary  acquisition  of  the 
ore  fields  of  Briey,  any  further  annexation  of  French 
territory  is  to  be  made  exclusively  on  considerations 
of  military  strategy.  It  may  be  assumed  as  self- 
evident,  after  the  experiences  of  this  war,  that  we 
.  .  .  cannot  leave  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  the 
fortified  positions  which  threaten  us,  particularly 
Verdun  and  Belfort,  nor  the  western  slope  of  the 
Vosges  that  lies  between  them.  The  acquisition  of 
the  line  of  the  Meuse  and  the  French  coast  on  the 
Channel  involves,  in  addition  to  the  above-men- 
tioned ore  fields  of  Briey,  also  the  possession  of  the 
coal  fields  in  the  Departments  of  the  North  and  of 
Pas-de-Calais.  After  our  experiences  in  Alsace- 
Lorraine,  it  is  probably  self-evident  that,  in  these 
acquisitions  also,  the  people  of  the  annexed  dis- 
tricts are  not  to  be  put  in  a  position  to  obtain  any 
political  influence  upon  the  destinies  of  the  German 
Empire,  and  that  the  economic  resources  to  be 
found  in  these  districts,  including  medium  and  large 
land  holdings,  are  to  be  put  into  German  hands, 

124 


UTTERANCES  OF  CAPTAINS  OF  INDUSTRY 

with  an  arrangement  that  France  shall  indemnify 
and  take  care  of  the  former  proprietors.  .  .  . 

The  need  for  strengthening  also  the  sound  agri- 
cultural basis  of  our  national  economy  .  .  .  de- 
mands a  considerable  extension  of  the  Imperial  and 
Prussian  frontiers  toward  the  East,  by  annexing 
parts  at  least  of  the  Baltic  provinces  and  the  dis- 
tricts lying  south  of  the  same,  taking  into  consider- 
ation at  the  same  time  the  object  of  making  our 
East-German  frontier  defensible  from  a  military 
point  of  view.  .  .  . 

As  regards  the  extension  of  political  rights  to  the 
inhabitants  of  these  new  territories  and  the  safe- 
guarding of  the  German  economic  influence  there- 
in, what  has  been  said  as  regards  France  is  valid 
here  also.  The  war  indemnity  to  be  paid  by  Rus- 
sia must  consist  largely  in  the  transfer  of  private 
titles  to  land.  .  .  . 

This  memorial,  dated  May  20,  191 5,  was  addressed  to 
the  Imperial  Chancellor  by  six  of  the  most  important 
agricultural  and  industrial  associations  of  Germany; 
"Bund  der  Landwirte,"  "Deutscher  Bauernbund,"  "Vorort 
der  christlichen  deutschen  Bauernvereine,"  "Centralver- 
band  deutscher  Industrieller,"  "Bund  der  Industriellen," 
and  "Reichsdeutscher  Mittelstandsverband."  It  was 
transmitted  to  the  Governments  of  the  several  German 
States,  and  was  extensively  circulated  in  print  as  a 
"confidential"  communication.  Its  publication  in  Ger- 
man newspapers  was  not  permitted.  The  entire  text  was 
first  published  in  the  Paris  "Humanite,"  August  11,  1915. 
The  complete  German  text  is  given  in  Grumbach,  "Das 
annexionistische   Deutschland,"   pp.    123-132. 

Compare  the  Professors'  Memorial,  above,  pp. 
60-65. 

125 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Chambers  of  Commerce  for  annexations 

The  Union  of  Chambers  of  Commerce  of  the 
industrial  district  of  the  lower  Rhine  and  of  West- 
phalia .  .  .  held  not  long  ago  a  session  in  Essen. 
.  .  .  Agreement  was  .  .  .  particularly  complete  on 
the  point  that  Germany  must  hold  out  in  the  war 
to  the  last  extremity,  in  order  that  our  German 
Fatherland  shall  come  out  of  the  conflict  .  .  .  ex- 
ternally stronger,  with  secure  boundaries  on  the 
West  and  on  the  East,  with  greater  sea  power 
and  with  such  additions  of  territory  as  are  needed 
in  order  to  guarantee  our  increased  power  from  a 
military,  a  naval  and  an  economic  point  of  view. 
Report  in  Berlin  newspapers  (April  21,  1915). 


Annexationist  desires  of  iron  and  steel 
manufacturers 

The  iron  and  steel  manufacturers,  who  have  come 
in  large  numbers  from  all  districts  of  Germany 
to  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Union  of  Iron  and 
Steel  Manufacturers  .  .  .  are  convinced  that,  on 
the  basis  of  our  military  successes,  we  shall  be 
able  to  obtain  a  position  which,  in  connection  with 
the  extension  of  our  frontiers  necessary  for  the 
purpose,  will  assure  to  the  German  people  .  .  . 
peaceful  and  energetic  development  in  industry, 
commerce,  ariculture  and  the  trades.  .  .  . 

Telegram  sent  to  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  Dec.  10, 
1915,  by  the  "Hauptversammlung  des  Vereins  deutscher 
Eisen-  und  Stahlindustrieller." 

126 


UTTERANCES  OF  CAPTAINS  OF  INDUSTRY 

Rhenish  manufacturers  and  landowners 
want   Belgium 

The  Provincial  Diet  of  the  Province  of  the  Rhine 
met  this  week  in  Diisseldorf.  It  occupied  itself, 
among  other  things,  with  the  question  of  erecting 
a  branch  of  the  Provincial  Fire  and  Life  Insur- 
ance Institute  in  Belgium.  ...  In  connection  with 
the  discussion  of  this  matter,  the  annexationist  de- 
sires of  the  leading  industrials  and  great  landown- 
ers, who  are  dominant  in  the  Provincial  Diet,  were 
very  clearly  expressed.  Commercial  Councilor 
Hagen  (Cologne)  expressed  the  earnest  hope  that 
the  extension  of  the  insurance  business  would  not 
be  a  transitory  but  a  permanent  measure.  .  .  . 
Councilor  of  Justice  Kehren  .  .  .  suggested  that 
,  .  .  the  expectation  be  expressed  that  the  Bel- 
gian territory  at  present  occupied  should  be  per- 
manently retained.  Both  of  these  utterances  were 
received  by  the  Diet  with  loud  applause.  .  .  .  The 
Superior  President  of  the  Province,  Baron  von 
Rheinbaben,  took  part  in  the  meeting.  .  .  . 

"Volksblatt"  of  Halle   (February  7,  1916). 

Chemnitz  Unions  demand  annexations 

We  cannot  take  our  hands  off  Belgium  alto- 
gether, nor  can  we  abandon  the  Russian  Baltic 
provinces. 

Annual  Report  of  the  Chemnitz  Unions,  issued  early  in 
1916;  cited  in  the  Reichstag  and  in  a  report  of  the 
Reichstag  proceedings  in  the  "Deutsche  Tageszeitung'* 
(May  26,  1916).  Chemnitz  is  an  important  industrial 
center. 

127 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

World  plans  of  a  Saxon  manufacturer 

Belgium,  whose  population  is  mainly  of  German 
origin,  should  .  .  .  remain  a  permanent  part  of 
our  Empire.  If  we  succeed  in  gaining  a  part  of 
the  neighboring  Atlantic  coast  of  France,  the  pros- 
pect will  be  opened  of  breaking  the  supremacy  of 
England  in  European  waters.  If  we  can  force 
France  and  Russia  to  make  peace,  must  not  then 
the  defeat  of  England  follow?  Through  a  new 
continental  embargo  and  similar  means  we  can  im- 
pose our  will  upon  this  apparently  unassailable 
country.  .  .  .  The  sacrifices  of  this  war  will  be  so 
monstrous  that  we  must  endeavor  to  realize  the 
highest  aim:  customs  union  and  military  union 
of  the  Triple  Alliance,  including  as  many  other 
states  as  possible,  to  be  brought  in  after  the  war 
by  friendly  negotiation,  gentle  intimidation  or 
force.  .  .  . 

Manufacture  on  a  large  scale,  which  makes  the 
economic  life  of  the  nation  extraordinarily  fruitful, 
is  possible  only  in  a  great  economic  area.  Ger- 
many by  itself  is  today  such  an  area.  With  the  in- 
clusion of  all  its  friends,  however,  an  economic  area 
would  be  established  of  such  extent  that  there  would 
be  nothing  like  it  except  in  the  United  States  of 
North  America.  With  the  United  States  we  might 
reach  a  friendly  understanding,  and  then  we  could 
dictate  laws  to  the  world. 

Max  Schubert,  "Deutschland  am  Schicksalswege" 
(1914),  pp.  10,  II.  The  writer  is  a  manufacturer  in 
Saxony,  and  was  formerly  a  member  of  the  Saxon  Diet. 
See  Grumbach,  p.  290. 

128 


UTTERANCES  OF  CAPTAINS  OF  INDUSTRY 

Calais  as  a  center  of  the  German  lace  industry 

It  would  be  the  best  solution — and  after  our  suc- 
cesses up  to  the  present  time  we  may  hope  that  it 
will  be  realized — if  Calais  should  remain  for  all 
time  in  German  hands  and  if  then  in  Calais  we  could 
establish  a  second  center  for  the  German  lace  in- 
dustry. 

"Der  Konfektionar,"  no.  84  (Oct.  18,  1914).  This  is 
the  official  organ  of  the  German  "Konfektions-Unter- 
nehmer-Verband."    See  Grumbach,  p.  30. 

Exploitation  of  the  new  "Duchy  of  Belgium" 

The  question  that  is  still  much  debated,  how  we 
may  meet  the  doubts  that  stand  in  the  way  of  an- 
nexation of  territory  containing  foreign  and  hostile 
peoples,  leads  us  to  consider  in  a  general  way  the 
securing  of  the  necessary  treasures  of  the  soil,  so 
far  as  concerns  land  for  purposes  of  agriculture 
and  of  colonization.  The  notion  of  a  so-called 
"evacuation"  has  already  appeared.  In  this  con- 
nection I  desire  to  reproduce  proposals  proceeding 
from  eminent  and  recognized  leaders  of  the  German 
colonial  movement  and  of  the  German  economic 
life.  With  special  reference  to  Belgium,  the  fol- 
lowing points  of  view  were  submitted  to  the  author 
by  Dne  of  these  leaders: 

In  every  place  where  the  population  has  been 
guilty  of  offenses  against  our  army  by  brigandage 
and  armed  resistance,  the  inhabitants  are  to  be  ex- 
propriated. .  .  .  Compensation  to  families  is  to  be 
set  off  against  military  contributions.    They  must, 

129 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

moreover,  take  up  their  residence  outside  of  the 
German  Empire. 

The  land  thus  set  free  is  to  be  divided  among  the 
members  of  those  German  regiments  that  have  had 
to  suffer  from  the  treachery  of  the  former  popula- 
tion, and  among  the  widows  and  children  of  the 
slain  and  the  wounded.  .  .  . 

Factories  and  industrial  plants,  whose  owners  or 
managers  have  taken  part  in  resistance  to  our 
army,  are  to  be  confiscated  and  turned  over,  in  cor- 
porate ownership,  to  suitable  workmen  who  belong 
to  the  German  Army  and  are  ready  to  take  up  work 
in  such  establishments. 

All  mines  are  to  become  public  property  of  the 
new  German  Duchy  of  Belgium,  except  where  they 
are  already  in  private  German  ownership. 

Every  former  Belgian  who  does  not  declare, 
within  four  weeks  after  the  official  incorporation 
of  the  former  kingdom,  that  he  intends  to  become 
a  German  national,  must  leave  the  territory  of  the 
German  Empire  with  his  family. 

Similarly,  for  a  period  of  ten  years,  every  former 
Belgian  who  commits  any  offense  against  the  Em- 
pire and  its  laws  is  to  be  expelled  from  the  Im- 
perial territory. 

In  accordance  with  these  principles,  and  in  order 
to  form  a  sharply  marked  national  boundary,  a 
broad  strip  of  land  is  to  be  set  off  on  our  entire  pres- 
ent and  Belgian  frontier,  in  which  pure  German  set- 
tlements shall  be  established,  consisting  of  men  who 
were  drawn  into  service  during  the  war.  ...  In  the 
new  German  territories  compensation  can  be  g^ven 
to  those  Germans  who,  in  the  course  of  the  war, 

130 


UTTERANCES  OF  ECONOMISTS 

were  expelled  by  our  enemies  and  thus  lost  their 
homes   and   occupations. 

The  proposals  above  quoted  are  notably  supple- 
mented from  another  side  in  somewhat  the  follow- 
ing form: 

If  we  are  to  remain  a  strong  nation  and  if  we 
are  to  extend  our  world  power  upon  a  secure  basis, 
we  need  .  .  .  German  colonization  in  the  districts 
that  fall  into  our  hands.  .  .  .  For  this  purpose  it  is 
not  sufficient  that  new  strips  of  land  in  the  East 
and  in  the  West  come  under  German  imperial 
sovereignty;  it  is  further  necessary  that  landed 
property  be  acquired  directly  by  the  State.  This 
is  the  great  goal:  not  merely  a  war  indemnity  in 
cash,  but  preferably  and  principally  a  war  indem- 
nity in  real  estate.  .  .  . 

Arthur  Dix,  "Der  Weltwirtschaftskrieg,"  in  the  series 
*'Zwischen  Krieg  und  Frieden,"  Heft  3  (1914),  pp.  33-40. 


"Raw  materials  for  war  industry" 

Our  whole  western  frontier  from  South  to  North 
must  be  improved,  as  far  as  conditions  permit  .... 
Our  boundary  must  if  possible  be  so  drawn — this 
has  not  previously  been  the  case — that  our  great 
iron  and  steel  works  in  Lorraine  .  .  .  shall  be  out 
of  the  range  of  the  most  powerful  modern  artillery 
in  French  fortresses.  Above  all  we  must  secure  for 
ourselves,  as  far  as  possible,  the  necessary  raw  ma- 
terials for  war  industry,  and  at  the  same  time  take 
them  away  from  our  enemies. 

Of  the  greatest  importance  are  the  iron  ore 
beds.  .  .  .    Without  the  ores  of  Lorraine,  we  should 

131 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

today  be  unable  to  maintain  our  iron  and  steel  pro- 
duction on  the  scale  which  this  war  demands.  For- 
tunately we  were  already  able  to  congratulate  our- 
selves on  possessing  the  greatest  natural  wealth  in 
iron  ores  to  be  found  in  any  European  country. 
This  advantage  we  owed  to  the  victorious  war  of 
1870-71.  The  Peace  of  Frankfort  was  to  have 
given  us  all  the  ore  in  Lorraine.  This  we  did  not 
obtain,  because  the  geologists  whom  Bismarck  con- 
sulted in  drawing  the  frontier  were  in  error  as  to  the 
extent  of  the  iron  fields.  Since  the  8o's  we  know 
that — contrary  to  Bismarck's  view — the  broader 
and  more  important  deposits  of  ore  in  the  plateau 
of  Briey  .  .  .  were  left  in  the  hands  of  France. 
Today  we  can  make  good  this  serious  mistake,  since 
we  fortunately  conquered  these  districts  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war  and  hold  them  firmly  in  our 
grasp. 

The  next  most  important  raw  material  for  our 
war  industry  is,  of  course,  coal,  and  especially  coke 
coal,  from  which  particularly  we  gain  explosives. 
Just  as  we  should  have  been  unable  to  carry  on  the 
war  successfully  if  we  could  not  have  satisfied  our 
needs  for  ore  in  Lorraine,  so  again  we  should  have 
lacked  an  indispensable  means  of  success  if  nature 
had  not  endowed  Germany,  particularly  the  Rhein- 
ish-Westphalian  district,  and  the  neighboring  dis- 
tricts in  Belgium  and  North  France  which  we  have 
occupied,  with  a  supply  of  coke  coal  unequalled 
elsewhere  in  Europe  in  quantity  and  in  excellence. 
Now  that  we  have  learned  what  the  question 
of  munitions  signifies  for  the  result  of  the  war, 
now  that  we  have  already  been  obliged  to  use  Bel- 

132 


UTTERANCES  OF  ECONOMISTS 

gian  coal  for  our  own  purposes,  we  can  and  we 
must  declare  that  the  vital  needs  of  our  nation  in 
war  and  in  peace  exclude  any  thought  of  restoring 
to  the  enemy  these  sources  of  military  and  economic 
power.  ... 

If  we  wish  to  secure  for  ourselves  these  treas- 
ures of  the  soil,  mere  political  cession  is  not  suffi- 
cient. .  .  .  An  increase  of  territory  brings  with  it 
today  a  real  increase  of  power,  particularly  when 
it  is  a  question  of  war  industry,  only  in  case  full 
ownership  makes  free  production  and  disposal  pos- 
sible. 

As  regards  the  acquisition  of  such  control  in  ter- 
ritory that  has  been  French,  the  necessary  expendi- 
tures will  be  charged  up  against  the  French  war 
indemnity.  France,  that  has  so  often  boasted  of 
being  a  money  lender  to  the  world,  must  be  held 
primarily  liable  with  her  financial  power  for  our 
economic  damages.  .  .  .  For  relief  from  the  bur- 
den thrust  upon  her,  France  may  appeal  to  her  ally 
across  the  Channel,  whose  rich  treasures  we  shall 
hardly  be  able  to  reach  directly.  .  .  . 

Prof.  Hermann  Schumacher,  Address  delivered  June 
20,  1915,  in  Berlin,  printed  as  "manuscript,  strictly  con- 
fidential." Schumacher  is  one  of  the  leading  German 
economists.  He  occupies  a  chair  in  Bonn  University,  and 
was  one  of  the  instructors  of  the  Crown  Prince. 

If  the  war  ends  with  a  German  victory,  it  is  our 
good  right  ...  to  annex  such  districts  as  are  neces- 
sary for  supplementing  our  supply  of  raw  material, 
such  as  the  ore  beds  in  the  neighborhood  of  Metz. 

Prof.  Sieveking,  "Unsere  Aufgaben"  (1915),  p.  30. 
133 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

The  cure  for  "land  shortage" 

Because  our  territory  was  not  increased,  we  have 
been  transformed  from  a  country  people  into  a 
city  people,  from  an  agricultural  into  an  industrial 
people.  .  .  .  The  disturbance  of  the  proper  balance 
which  has  resulted,  and  which  is  an  evil  thing,  can 
be  remedied  permanently  and  thoroughly  only  by  a 
sufficient  increase  of  territory.  Shortage  of  land 
can  be  cured  only  by  the  taking  of  land.  .  .  . 

Leopold  von  Vietinghoff,  "Die  Sicherheiten  der 
deutschen  Zukunft"  (1915),  pp.  10,  12. 

"Pressure  to  the  Ocean."     Naval  bases 

We  must  seek  beyond  the  waters  of  the  North 
Sea  a  naval  base  which  in  future  shall  give  us,  in 
this  part  of  the  world  at  least,  the  same  chances 
that  England  possesses.  .  .  . 

We  need  bases  at  the  entrance  and  at  the  exit  of 
the  Channel ;  we  need  strong  bases  over  sea.  .  .  . 

Albert  Ballin,  General  Director  of  the  Hamburg-Amer- 
ican Line,  in  the  "Frankfurter  Zeitung"  (Jan.  4,  1915), 
and  in  the  "Magdeburgische  Zeitung"  (Oct.  21,  1915). 

The  whole  history  of  Brandenburg,  of  Prussia 
and  of  Germany,  including  its  continuation  in  the 
history  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  may  be  regarded  as 
a  manifestation  through  the  centuries  of  pressure 
to  the  ocean.  .  .  .  Now  it  is  a  question  of  complet- 
ing the  work  ...  of  consolidating  more  thoroughly 
the  German-Austrian  alliance  and  of  pushing  the 
German  coast  to  the  Channel,  to  the  gate  of  the 
open  Atlantic. 

134 


UTTERANCES  OF  ECONOMISTS 

This  IS  what  England  avowedly  most  dreads. 
Just  for  this  reason  we  can  neither  let  Belgium  es- 
cape from  our  control  nor  renounce  our  aim  to  keep 
the  coast — from  Ostend  to  the  mouth  of  the  Somme, 
if  possible — from  falling  again  into  the  hands  of  any 
State  that  can  become  a  vassal  of  England.  .  .  . 

Dix,  "Der  Weltwirtschaftskrieg/'  in  the  series, 
"Zwischen  Krleg  und  Frieden,"  Heft  3  (1914),  p.  32. 

Not  alone  for  the  protection  of  our  native  soil 
but  also  for  the  protection  of  our  world  trade  and 
our  colonies  Belgium  is  indispensable  to  us.  We 
cannot  deprive  England  of  the  geographical  advan- 
tage of  her  insular  position.  It  will  always  be 
difficult  for  us  to  attack  her  in  land  warfare,  so  long 
as  she  stays  on  her  islands.  But  at  sea  we  can  make 
England  more  assailable.  .  .  . 

Even  more  than  upon  her  great  colonial  pos- 
sessions, England's  position  in  world  commerce 
rests  upon  her  control  of  the  greatest  highway  of 
trade  on  our  planet,  that  which  reaches  from  the 
English  coast  through  the  Suez  Canal  and  the  Red 
Sea  to  India,  Australia  and  Eastern  Asia.  On  this 
highway  England  early  and  adroitly  established 
points  of  control.  We  shall  hardly  be  able  to  drive 
her  out  of  these  positions,  but  we  should  follow 
her  prudent  example.  ...  I  think,  for  instance,  of 
French  Somaliland  with  D Jibuti  at  the  southern  en- 
trance of  the  Red  Sea  opposite  Aden,  of  a  harbor  in 
North  Morocco  opposite  Gibraltar,  and  of  a  Turk- 
ish base  in  the  eastern  basin  of  the  Mediterranean 
as  near  as  possible  to  the  Suez  Canal.  .  .  . 

Schumacher,  Address  (cited  above,  p.  133). 
135 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

In  England  the  notion  that  we  could  be  starved 
out  by  cutting  off  our  sea  communications  has  as- 
suredly played  a  decisive  role.  The  English  have 
been  constantly  renewing  their  belief  that  our 
power  of  resistance  could  be  broken  by  want  of 
copper,  benzine,  petroleum,  rubber,  cotton,  wool, 
etc.  It  is  therefore  quite  clear  that  the  existence 
of  all  these  supplies  within  our  future  economic 
domain  would  be  one  of  the  firmest  guaranties  of 
peace.  .  .  . 

Marvelous  are  the  ways  of  the  Lord!  England 
believed  that  she  could  strike  us  a  mortal  and  an- 
nihilating blow;  instead  of  that,  she  is  giving  us  a 
rapid  course  of  training  to  complete  our  education 
in  world  politics.  She  lit  up  the  situation  as  with 
a  flash  of  lightning;  she  wrote  indelibly  in  charac- 
ters of  fire  on  every  German  heart:  You  need 
cables  that  stretch  around  the  world,  wireless  sta- 
tions that  bridge  over  lands  and  seas.  You  must 
have  firm  bases,  harbors,  wharves  and  docks  on 
every  sea.  .  .  .  You  must  break  the  English  castles 
that  guard  the  gates  of  the  Ocean.  .  .  . 

Hans  Sonnenschmidt,  "Deutschland  am  Wendepunkt 
zum  Aufstieg"  (1915),  PP-  I53  et  seq. 


A  German  settlement  in  South  China 

In  spite  of  the  defeats  they  have  suffered,  our 
enemies  are  arming  themselves  for  the  coming  com- 
petition in  trade.  For  this  reason  we  must  recog- 
nize the  demands  of  the  future  as  commands  of  the 
present.  ... 

Very  promising  are  the  iron  ore  beds  in  China. 
136 


UTTERANCES  OF  ECONOMISTS 

China  is  an  iron  land  of  the  first  class.  ...  As  in 
the  matter  of  railroad  concessions,  so  also  in  the 
matter  of  mining  opportunities,  we  must  act 
promptly  and  secure  the  business.  .  .  . 

Hong  Kong  can  no  longer  remain  a  central  sta- 
tion of  German  trade  in  South  China.  We  intend 
to  have  our  own  trade  center,  and  for  this  purpose 
we  need  a  German  settlement  on  the  south  Chinese 
coast.  .  .  . 

The  Germans  in  China  should  form  a  great  or- 
ganization, working  in  the  service  of  German  aims, 
and  rendering  obedience  to  common  requirements. 

Wolf  von  Dewall,  "Deutschland  und  China  nach  dem 
Kriege"  (1916),  pp.  59,  j6,  80,  102,  104. 


CHAPTER  VII 
UTTERANCES  OF  PARTY  LEADERS 

I.  PARTY  DECLARATIONS 

Annexationist  utterances  of  party  committees 

In  the  West  especially,  the  territory  necessary  to 
secure  and  strengthen  our. power  on  sea  and  land, 
from  political,  military  and  economic  points  of  view, 
is  to  be  added  to  the  German  Empire.  In  the  East, 
we  must  acquire  not  only  frontiers  that  are  strate- 
gically better,  but  also  new  soil  for  settlement.  Fi- 
nally, our  possessions  oversea  are  to  be  developed 
in  extent  and  in  character.  .  .  . 

Resolution  of  the  Central  Committee  of  the  National 
Liberal  Party,  June,   191 5. 

The  Committee  knows  itself  to  be  at  one  with  the 
whole  Conservative  Party  and  with  the  whole  Ger- 
man people  in  the  determination  to  shrink  from  no 
further  sacrifice  that  is  necessary  to  carry  on  the 
war  until  a  peace  is  concluded  that  shall  be  lasting 
and  honorable  and  that  shall  secure  the  bases  of  the 
German  future.  We  shall,  of  course,  support  all 
demands  for  such  territorial  gains  as  seem  neces- 
sary for  this  purpose. 

Resolution  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  German 
Conservative  Party,  Oct.  9,  191 5. 

138 


UTTERANCES  OF  PARTY  LEADERS 

The  fearful  sacrifices  which  the  war  is  imposing 
on  our  nation  call  for  a  stronger  protection  of  our 
territory  in  the  East  and  in  the  West,  such  as 
shall  discourage  our  enemies  from  again  attacking 
us  and  shall  assure  permanent  economic  provision 
for  our  growing  population.  To  this  increased 
security  for  our  Empire  must  be  added  similar  se- 
curity for  the  States  in  alliance  with  us. 

Resolution  adopted  by  the  General  Committee  of  the 
Center  Party  for  the  Empire,  at  a  meeting  held  in  Frank- 
fort, Oct.  24-25,  1915. 

The  Central  Committee  of  the  Progressive  Peo- 
ple's Party  ...  is  convinced  that  the  terms  of  peace 
will  bring  to  the  German  Empire — not,  as  our  ene- 
mies are  still  today  declaring,  at  best  the  reestablish- 
ment  of  the  status  before  the  war — but  rather  a  dur- 
able protection  against  foreign  attacks  and  a  per- 
manent increase  of  its  power,  its  prosperity  and,  so 
far  as  its  security  seems  to  require,  of  its  territory 
also. 

Resolution  adopted  Dec.  4,  1915. 

The  German  people  .  .  .  are  firmly  and  unani- 
mously convinced  that  their  heavy  sacrifices  in 
wealth  and  in  blood  .  .  .  must  not  have  been  mad^ 
in  vain.  They  demand  as  the  goal  of  peace  a  Ger- 
many strengthened  in  its  entire  position  of  power, 
cqnsiderably  expanded  beyond  its  former  bounda- 
ries by  the  retention,  as  far  as  possible,  of  the  dis- 
tricts now  occupied,  and  indemnified  for  its  finan- 
cial expenditures. 

Resolution  adopted  at  a  meeting  of  the  Free  Conserva- 
tive Party,  held  in  Berlin,  December  5-6,  1915. 

139 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Joint  declaration  favoring  annexations 

In  full  unity,  with  quiet  determination — and,  per- 
mit me  to  add,  with  trust  in  God — we  await  the 
hour  when  a  peace  can  be  made  that  shall  secure 
permanently  the  military,  economic,  financial  and 
political  interests  of  Germany  in  their  whole  ex- 
tent and  by  all  means,  including  such  acquisitions 
of  territory  as  are  necessary  for  this  purpose. 

Declaration  read  in  the  Reichstag,  December  9,  191 5, 
by  Deputy  Spahn,  President  of  the  Center  Party,  in  the 
name  of  all  the  parties  except  the  Social  Democrats. 
Excluding  these,  and  also  the  Poles,  the  Alsace-Lor- 
rainers  and  the  Danish  member  from  North  Schleswig, 
Spahn's  declaration  was  supported  by  254  members,  rep- 
resenting two-thirds  of  the  total  electorate  of  the  Em- 
pire. See  Grumbach,  "Das  annexionistische  Deutsch- 
land,"  p.  33. 


II.    UTTERANCES  OF  SINGLE  LEADERS 

"Mistakes   need   not  be   repeated" 

Moderation  in  our  demands  may  be  carried  too 
far ;  once  already  we  have  carried  it  too  far.  Under 
the  present  circumstances  I  cannot  speak,  I  am 
sorry  to  say,  of  the  form  which  the  map  of  our 
country  is  to  assume  in  the  future.  As  regards  the 
past  I  will  say  only  one  thing:  that  our  failure 
either  to  take  or  to  raze  Belfort  in  1870  was  a  mis- 
take, and  mistakes  need  not  be  repeated. 

Dr.  Pachnicke,  Progressive  member  of  the  Reichstag, 
Speech  at  Frankfort,  Nov.  23,  1914. 

140 


UTTERANCES  OF  PARTY  LEADERS 

"German  blood  manure"  not  to  be  wasted 

We  are  sure  that  the  German  eagle  will  spread 
its  wings  victoriously  and  soar  to  greater  heights 
than  ever  before.  And  we  shall  know  how  to  hold 
firmly  for  all  time  the  territories  that  have  been 
manured  (gediingt)  with  German  blood. 

Bassermann,  National  Liberal  member  of  the  Reich- 
stag, Speech  reported  in  the  Berlin  papers  (Dec.  5,  1914). 

Why  Belgians  should  desire  German  protection 

The  Belgian  question  is  not  an  affair  of  the  Bel- 
gians only.  .  .  .  One  thing,  however,  may  be  said: 
Were  I  a  Belgian  deputy,  I  should  say:  One  thing 
above  all  others!  We  must  get  out  of  our  pres- 
ent unsafe  position  of  neutrality!  That  is  only 
self-deception.  It  leads  only  to  making  Belgium 
the  arena  of  war  for  the  three  Powers,  Germany, 
England  and  France.  We  must  establish  a  connec- 
tion, at  least  a  military  connection,  with  one  of 
these  three  Powers,  so  that  in  case  of  war  we  may 
have  protection  in  advance  against  any  peril  that 
threatens  us.  .  .  .  From  the  economic  point  of 
view  I  would  then  add:  Our  connection  must  be 
with  our  economic  hinterland — connection  with 
Germany. 

Peus-Dessau,  Social  Democratic  member  of  the  Reichs- 
tdg,  in  the  Lausanne  "Menschheit,"  no.  15  (January  2, 
1915). 

Territorial  indemnities.     No  plebiscites 

The  financial  condition  of  our  enemies  certainly 
excludes  any  complete  indemnity  in  money  for  our 

141 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

costs  and  losses  in  this  war.  Since,  however,  we 
have  not  the  slightest  reason  to  abandon  full  in- 
demnity, another  form  must  be  chosen.  .  .  .  Favor- 
able commercial  treaties,  mining  and  railroad  con- 
cessions and  the  like  may  be  taken  into  considera- 
tion, but  also  acquisitions  of  territory.  The  ore 
fields  of  French  Lorraine  and  of  Russian  Poland 
form  the  natural  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  the  abso- 
lutely necessary  complement  of  our  own  ore  fields. 

We  have  also  to  think  of  the  acquisition  of 
European  and  colonial  territory  that  is  important 
for  our  export  trade.  .  .  . 

If  our  aim  be  a  peace  that  promises  to  be  durable, 
it  must  include  everything  in  the  way  of  acquisi- 
tion of  territory  which  the  General  Staff  considers 
necessary  to  avert  the  peril  of  future  wars,  and  no 
consideration  for  enemy  countries  or  peoples  should 
restrain  us  in  the  fulfillment  of  these  demands.  In 
particular  no  regard  should  be  paid  to  the  imagin- 
ary right  of  the  inhabitants  of  districts  that  are  to 
be  annexed  to  determine  their  own  destiny. 

Von  Zedlitz-Neukirch,  Free  Conservative  member  of 
the  Prussian  Diet,  in  the  "Tag"  (Jan.  24  and  31,  1915). 


What  territories  Russia  must  cede 

It  is  decidedly  a  moral  duty  of  the  German  Em- 
pire not  to  leave  the  German  element  on  the  Baltic 
nor  the  Letts  and  Lithuanians  any  longer  under  the 
.  .  .  Government  of  Russia. 

That  in  case  of  defeat  in  a  war  with  Germany 
Russia  would  be  obliged  to  count  on  loss  of  ter- 
ritory, particularly  on  the  loss  of  all  Russian  Poland 

142 


UTTERANCES  OF  PARTY  LEADERS 

and  even  of  the  territory  to  the  North  as  far  as  the 
Dvina,  General  Kuropatkin  openly  admitted  in  his 
"Reminiscences  of  the  Russian-Japanese  War."  .  . 

What  has  thus  far  been  Russian  Lithuania  .  .  . 
is  thoroughly  satisfied  ...  to  constitute  a  wedge 
or  buffer  set  between  the  Teuton  and  the  Slav 
world.  ...  It  is,  however,  of  the  greatest  impor- 
tance that  this  new  State  shall  be  brought  into  a 
close  relation  with  Germany,  its  army  being  placed 
under  supreme  German  command  and  its  territory 
included  in  the  German  customs  frontier.  .  .  . 

Dr.  Gaigalat,  member  of  the  Prussian  Diet,  in  "Grenz- 
boten,"  no.  8  (Feb.  24,  1915),  pp.  336,  337,  339. 


Channel  ports  required 

01  what  advantage  to  us  are  the  greatest  and 
fairest  colonial  dominions,  if  a  ruthless  foe  is  able 
at  any  moment  to  cut  us  off  from  the  world?  .  .  . 
Free  access  to  the  ocean,  freer  and  more  assured 
than  ever  before,  is  the  object  for  which  the  whole 
nation  is  resolved  to  fight  ...  to  its  last  mark  and 
its   last  man.  .  .  . 

Count  von  Westarp,  Free  Conservative  member  of  the 
Reichstag,  Speech  in  Hamburg,  April  3,   191 5. 

Annexations  West  and  East 

We  are  not  to  speak  at  present  of  the  aims  of 
peace,  but  it  must  be  declared  that  the  heart  of 
every  German  is  animated  by  the  desire  not  to  sur- 
render the  hostile  territory  that  has  been  won  with 
so  much  German  blood.    We  must  get  a  footing  on 

143 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

the  English  Channel,  even  if  we  have  to  start  all 
over  again  and  conquer  a  second  time  the  old 
fortresses  that  block  our  way.  The  German  people 
demand  also  that  we  shall  safeguard  ourselves  in 
the  East  against  new  incursions  of  the  Russian 
hordes.  The  pen  must  not  again  be  permitted  to 
sacrifice  what  the  sword  has  obtained. 

Paasche,  National  Liberal  member  and  Vice-President 
of  the  Reichstag,  Speech  in  Kreuznach,  April  i8,  1915. 

Peace  negotiations  are  possible  only  on  the  basis 
of  the  actual  situation.  Belgium  has  violated  its 
neutrality  and  destroyed  itself,  and  what  concerns 
us  is  that  it  shall  not  remain  a  vassal  of  England. 
Against  Russia  we  must  build  a  wall  of  defense 
on  which  the  Slav  wave  will  be  broken.  As  re- 
gards France,  what  is  to  be  considered  is  the  gate 
of  the  nations  between  the  Jura  and  the  Vosges, 
and  the  crest  of  the  Vosges. 

Dr.  Pachnicke,  Progressive  member  of  the  Reichstag, 
Speech  delivered  in  May,  191 5,  in  various  German  cities. 


A  misinterpreted  imperial  utterance 

These  sentences  [of  the  Chancellor,  regarding 
"real  guaranties  and  securities"]  will  undoubtedly 
find  energetic  assent  in  the  widest  circles  of  the 
nation.  They  repeat  the  thoughts  previously  ex- 
pressed by  the  Chancellor,  in  his  great  war  speech 
of  December  2,  1914,  in  more  definite  and  tangible 
form,  and  they  are  therefore  adapted,  perhaps  di- 
rectly intended,  to  counteract  the  misconceptions 
that  have  been  occasioned  in  many  quarters  by  the 

144 


UTTERANCES  OF  PARTY  LEADERS 

declaration  in  the  Speech  from  the  Throne,  August 
4,  1 9 14,  that  we  are  waging  no  war  of  conquest. 

Von  Zedlitz-Neukirch,  Free  Conservative  member  of 
the  Prussian  Diet,  in  the  "Post,"  May  29,  1915.  The 
Chancellor's  remarks,  May  28,  191 5,  will  be  found  above, 
p.  22. 

A     German  protectorate  of  Belgium 

A  complete  reestablishment  of  the  old  political 
relations  in  Belgium  must,  in  my  opinion,  be  re- 
garded as  an  impossibility.  .  .  .  After  this  war 
Belgium  would  be  neither  more  nor  less  than  a 
French  or  English  settlement,  without  any  inde- 
pendent political  significance.  ... 

The  neutrality,  which  for  a  long  time  has  existed 
only  on  paper  .  .  .  was  actually  ...  a  misfortune 
for  Belgium.  .  .  .  Protection  can  be  given  to  Bel- 
gium only  by  a  single  neighboring  and  greatly  su- 
perior Continental  Power,  that  guarantees  to  the 
country  peace  and  security,  undisturbed  develop- 
ment and  the  necessary  degree  of  internal  liberty, 
and  which  gives  this  guaranty  not  on  paper,  but 
through  its  actual  power. 

Ernst  Miiller-Meiningen,  Progressive  leader  and  mem- 
ber of  the  Reichstag,  "Belgische  Eindriicke  und  Aus- 
blicke"  (1916),  pp.  29-32.  This  pamphlet  elicited  a  let- 
ter of  indorsement  from  von  Hissing,  Governor  General 
of  Belgium.    See  above,  pp.  24-25. 


The  correct  idea  of  "a  lasting  peace** 

The  expression,  "a  lasting  peace,"  was  coined  in 
certain  German  circles  before  a  single  battle  was 

145 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

fought  or  a  single  German  victory  won.  It  .  .  . 
meant :  You  must  not  take  anything  at  all  away  from 
the  enemy,  for  otherwise  he  will  be  obliged  to  re- 
venge himself  upon  you.  A  lasting  peace  in  this 
sense  we  do  not  desire.  We  wish  a  lasting  peace 
in  which  the  borders  of  the  German  garden  are 
pushed  so  far  out  toward  the  East  and  the  West, 
that  outsiders  shall  find  it  difficult  to  throw  stones 
again  into  our  garden. 

Pastor   Traub,   Progressive   member   of   the    Prussian 
Diet,  Speech  delivered  in  Duisburg,  May  22,  1916. 


A  peace  "made  in  Germany" 

Let  us  conclude  no  peace  except  one  that  gives 
Germany  greater  power  on  the  sea,  new  coaling 
stations,  new  points  of  support  for  its  fleet  and 
new  areas  for  settlement — a  peace  "made  in  Ger- 
many." 

Dr.  Beumer,  National  Liberal  member  of  the  Prussian 
Diet,  Address  to  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  Bremen, 
October  3,   1915. 

"The  line  of  the  Naref" 

If  for  the  better  defense  of  Germany  in  the  East 
the  annexation  of  the  line  of  the  Naref  is  actually 
required,  can  any  German  voice  a  protest? 

Dr.  Landsberg,  Social  Democratic  member  of  the 
Reichstag,  remarks  made  in  a  party  caucus.  These  re- 
marks were  reported  by  Ledebour,  a  member  of  the  dis- 
senting Socialist  group,  in  the  "Frankfurter  Volks- 
stimme"  (January  6,  1916).  Ledebour  pointed  out  that 
the  frontier  proposed  by  Landsberg  would  include  Maso- 

146 


UTTERANCES  OF  PARTY  LEADERS 

vian,  Polish  and  Lithuanian  territory  with  something  like 
5,000,000  non-German  inhabitants.    See  Grumbach,  p.  113. 

The  German  nation's  divinely  appointed  goal 

The  expression,  '*real  guaranties,"  is  no  mere 
phrase.  ...  Is  it  dangerous  to  the  State  to  de- 
clare openly  that  our  frontiers  must  be  advanced  in 
the  West  and  in  the  East?  .  .  .  Are  we  to  forbid 
our  mouths  to  say  what  is  in  fact  on  every  lip  and 
in  every  heart?  Are  we  to  suppress  the  fact  that 
the  surrender  of  Kurland  would  be  completely  un- 
intelligible to  German  sentiment?  .  .  .  The  object 
of  this  war  is  not  alone  the  securing  of  an  honor- 
able peace,  not  alone  the  freedom  of  the  seas  and 
of  our  economic  life,  not  alone  a  greater  Germany 
even,  but  our  final  aim  in  the  war  is  the  attainment 
of  the  world-historic  goal  which  a  Higher  Power 
has  set  up  particularly  for  the  German  nation. 

Dr.  Oertel,  Conservative  member  of  the  Reichstag, 
Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  January  18,  1916. 

Strategic  demands 

Arrangements  must,  of  course,  be  made  for  stop- 
ping up  the  hole  in  the  Vosges  and  for  making  it 
impossible  that  Thorn  shall  be  reached  by  guns 
of  even  the  greatest  range  in  Russian  fortresses. 

Oskar  Geek,  Social  Democratic  member  of  the  Reichs- 
tag, Speech  delivered  at  Karlsruhe,  February  2,  1916. 

"Ideals  kindle  no  enthusiasm" 

From  above,  we  have  keynote  phrases  such  as 
"protection  of  small  nations,"  and  "freedom  of  the 

147 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

seas."  These  are  ideal,  not  real  things.  They 
kindle  no  enthusiasm.  For  this  purpose  we  need 
the  announcement  of  great  aims.  ...  If  we  do 
not  overthrow  our  enemies  in  this  war,  there  is 
risk  of  our  becoming  a  second-class  nation. 

Bacmeister,  National  Liberal  member  of  the  Prussian 
Diet,  Speech  in  the  Diet,  February  23,  1916. 

Practical  uses  of  history 

Students  of  history  should  make  use  of  our  news- 
papers more  than  they  do,  and  should  speak  of  the 
past  of  the  Flemish  territory,  of  the  past  of  Kur- 
land,  of  the  Low  German  character  of  the  Flemish 
population  and  of  the  historic  Order  of  the  Teu- 
tonic Knights.  At  times  it  may  be  annoying  to 
keep  the  last  sentence  of  such  articles  back  in  one's 
pen.  But  is  it  always  necessary  to  dot  all  one's 
i's?  Anyone  who  knows  how  to  read  articles  of 
the  historical  sort  will  know  how  to  "put  the  dot  on 
the  i"  for  himself. 

Pastor  Munn,  Christian  Socialist  member  of  the 
Reichstag,  in  the  "Berliner  Neueste  Nachrichten"  (March 
29,  1916). 

Bethmann-HoUweg^s  implications 

The  aims  of  peace  must  be  aims  of  power.  .  .  . 
In  the  East  the  Imperial  Chancellor  has  indicated 
the  tangible  outcome  with  some  precision.  As  re- 
gards the  West  he  has  expressed  himself  with 
greater  caution.  As  regards  Belgium  he  has  told 
us  that  precautions  must  be  taken  that  this  coun- 
try shall  no  longer  be  a  bulwark  of  England  but 

148 


UTTERANCES  OF  PARTY  LEADERS 

must  be — that  is  undoubtedly  the  necessary  im- 
plication of  what  he  has  said — under  our  political, 
military  and  economic  control. 

Spahn,  member  of  the  Reichstag,  leader  of  the  Center 
Party,  Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  April  5,  1916. 

Landmarks  must  be  removed 

If  in  the  treaty  of  peace  we  succeed  in  securing 
for  the  Flemings  the  chance  to  develop  their  own 
culture  on  the  basis  of  their  own  language,  is  that 
forcible  subjugation?  Against  any  subjugation  that 
might  be  proposed  in  this  matter  we  [Social  Demo- 
crats] should  be  compelled  to  take  a  position  of 
decided  opposition.  The  Imperial  Chancellor  has 
said:  "The  Europe  that  will  emerge  from  this  war 
will  in  many  of  its  parts  be  unlike  the  old  Europe. 
History  knows  no  status  quo  ante  after  monstrous 
events."  One  must  be  a  political  infant  to  persuade 
himself  that  a  whole  continent  can  be  set  on  fire, 
millions  of  men  killed  and  bleeding,  without  the  re- 
moval of  a  single  landmark  placed  by  some  musty 
old  diplomatist. 

Philipp  Scheidemann,  Speech  on  behalf  of  the  majority 
of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  in  the  Reichstag,  April 
6,  1916. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

UTTERANCES   OF   MILITARY   WRITERS 
I.    GLORIFICATION  OF  WAR 


"A  radiant  crown** 

Some  great  sentiment  must  stimulate  great  abili- 
ties in  the  General,  either  ambition,  as  in  Caesar, 
hatred  of  the  enemy,  as  in  Hannibal,  or  the  pride 
of  falling  gloriously,  as  in  Frederick  the  Great. 

Open  your  heart  to  a  feeling  of  this  kind.  Be 
bold  and  astute  in  your  designs,  firm  and  perse- 
vering in  executing  them,  determined  to  find  a 
glorious  end,  and  destiny  will  press  on  your  youth- 
ful brow  a  radiant  crown — fit  emblem  of  a  Prince, 
the  rays  of  which  will  carry  your  image  into  the 
bosom  of  your  latest  descendants. 

Gen.  Carl  von  Clausewitz,  "On  War"  (1832);  trans- 
lated by  Col.  F.  N.  Maude  (1911),  vol.  iii,  p.  229.  The 
passage  cited  will  be  found  in  the  author's  "Instructions 
to  the  Prussian  Crown  Prince"  (1812). 

The  army  the  basis  of  civilization 

The  army  takes  the  first  place  among  the  insti- 
tutions of  every  country.  It  alone  makes  possible 
the    existence   of   all   the   other   institutions.     All 

150 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

political  and  civil  liberty,  all  the  creations  of 
civilization,  the  finances,  the  State  itself,  stand  and 
fall  with  the  army. 

Field  Marshal  Count  Helmuth  von  Moltke,  Speech  in 
the  Reichstag,  Jan.  ii,  1887. 


War  instituted  by  God 

Perpetual  peace  is  a  dream,  and  it  is  not  even 
a  beautiful  dream.  War  is  part  of  the  eternal  or- 
der instituted  by  God.  .  .  . 

Moltke,  Letter  to  Bluntschli,  Dec.  ii,  1880. 

Biology,  civilization,  idealism  and  Christianity 
demand  war 

.  .  .War  is  not  merely  a  necessary  element  in 
the  life  of  nations,  but  an  indispensable  factor  of 
culture,  in  which  a  truly  civilized  nation  finds  the 
highest  expression  of  strength  and  vitality.  .  .  . 

War  gives  a  biologically  just  decision,  since  its 
decisions  rest  on  the  very  nature  of  things.  .  .  . 
It  is  not  only  a  biological  law,  but  a  moral  obliga- 
tion, and,  as  such,  an  indispensable  factor  in  civiliza- 
tion. .  .  . 

As  human  life  is  now  constituted,  it  is  political 
idealism  which  calls  for  war,  while  materialism — 
in  theory,  at  least — repudiates  it.  .  .  . 

The  brutal  incidents  inseparable  from  every 
war  vanish  completely  before  the  idealism  of  the 
main  result. 

Christ  Himself  said :  "I  am  not  come  to  send 
peace  on  earth,  but  a  sword."     His  teaching  can 

151 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

never  be  adduced  as  an  argument  against  the  uni- 
versal law  of  struggle.  There  never  was  a  religion 
that  was  more  combative  than  Christianity.  Com- 
bat, moral  combat,  is  its  very  essence. 

Gen.  Friedrich  von  Bernhardi,  "Germany  and  the  Next 
War";  translated  by  A.  H.  Powles  (Longmans,  Green  & 
Co.,  1912),  pp.  6,  15,  17,  18,  20,  22, 


The  diffusion  of  "culture"  by  war 

It  lies  in  the  nature  of  a  fully  developed  State — 
the  history  of  all  ages  confirms  it — to  feel  the 
need  of  forcing  the  greatest  possible  number  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  earth  into  the  domain  of 
its  culture.  The  greater  the  pride  felt  by  each 
single  citizen  in  belonging  to  just  this  State,  his 
own  and  no  other;  the  fuller  his  consciousness 
that  the  cultural  elements  that  live  in  him  place 
him  morally  above  his  neighbors — the  stronger 
becomes  his  impulse  to  be  a  political  teacher  and 
educator.  Highly  developed  cultural  nations  con- 
quer to  educate,  to  extend  their  culture  to  others. 

So  the  haughty  Romans  strode  over  the  world  as 
teachers  of  a  majestic  political  and  cultural 
thought;  and  in  their  footsteps  trod  the  Teutons, 
under  the  leadership  of  the  Carolingian,  Saxon, 
Franconian  and  Hohenstaufen  Emperors.  .  .  . 
For  the  French  world  there  arose  in  Napoleon  I 
the  great  herald  and  teacher  of  culture  promoted 
by  the  policy  of  force.  .  .  .  May  a  like  Titan  be 
vouchsafed  to  us,  that  the  world  may  be  healed 
by  the  German  nature. 

And  the  graves  that  line  the  roads  of  glory,  the 
152 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

stench  of  robbery,  pillage  and  theft  that  hangs 
about  these  millions  of  graves?  Must  culture 
build  its  cathedrals  on  hills  of  corpses,  seas  of 
tears,  and  the  death-rattle  of  the  vanquished? 
Yes,  it  must.  These  accompaniments  of  the  ex- 
pansion of  culture  may  be  regarded,  if  one  will, 
as  the  pudenda  of  glory;  but  without  these  organs 
there  would  be  no  victory,  no  multiplication,  no 
conquest  and  no  fertilization.  .  .  . 

Either  it  must  be  denied  that  culture  is  a  bless- 
ing to  humanity,  and  dreams  of  Arcadian  simplicity 
must  be  accepted,  or  the  right  to  rule  must  be  ac- 
corded to  one's  nation.  In  the  latter  case,  the 
power  of  the  conqueror  becomes  the  supreme  moral 
law  to  which  the  vanquished  must  submit.  Vae 
victis! 

Lt.  Karl  A.  Kuhn,  Instructor  in  Military  History,  Char- 
lottenburg,  "Die  wahren  Ursachen  des  Weltkrieges" 
(1914),  pp.  10,  II. 

II.    WAR,  LAW  AND  HUMANITY 


Laws  of  war  "hardly  worth  mentioning" 

War  is  an  act  of  violence  intended  to  compel  our 
opponent  to  fulfill  our  will.  Violence  arms  itself 
with  the  inventions  of  art  and  science  in  order  to 
contend  against  violence.  Self-imposed  restric- 
tions, almost  imperceptible  and  hardly  worth  men- 
tioning, termed  usages  of  International  Law,  ac- 
company it  without  essentially  impairing  its 
power.  .  .  . 

Clausewitz,  "On  War,"  vol.  i,  p.  2. 
153 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

"A  spirit  of  benevolence"  dangerous 

Philanthropists  may  easily  imagine  that  there 
is  a  skillful  method  of  .  .  .  overcoming  an  enemy 
without  causing  great  bloodshed,  and  that  this  is 
the  proper  tendency  of  the  art  of  war.  However 
plausible  this  may  appear,  still  it  is  an  error  which 
must  be  extirpated;  for  in  such  dangerous  things 
as  war,  the  errors  which  proceed  from  a  spirit  of 
benevolence  are  the  worst.  .  .  .  He  who  uses  force 
unsparingly,  without  reference  to  the  bloodshed 
involved,  must  obtain  a  superiority  if  his  adversary 
uses  less  vigor  in  its  application.  The  former  then 
dictates  the  law  to  the  latter.  .  .  . 

To  introduce  into  the  philosophy  of  war  itself  a 
principle  of  moderation  would  be  an  absurdity. 
Clausewitz,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  pp.  2,  3. 

Errors  of  the  seventeenth  century 

Plundering  and  devastating  the  enemy's  country, 
which  play  such  an  important  part  with  Tartars, 
with  ancient  nations,  and  even  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
were  no  longer  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the 
age  [of  Louis  XIV].  They  were  justly  looked 
upon  as  unnecessary  barbarity,  which  might  easily 
induce  reprisals,  which  did  more  injury  to  the 
enemy's  subjects  than  to  the  enemy's  Government 
and  which  therefore  produced  no  effect  beyond 
throwing  the  nation  back  many  stages  in  all  that 
relates  to  peaceful  arts  and  civilization.  War, 
therefore,  confined  itself  more  and  more,  both  as 
regards   means   and   end,   to  the   army   itself.  .  .  . 

154 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

Although  there  lay  in  this  an  error  . ..  .  still,  upon 
the  whole,  this  change  had  a  beneficial  effect  for 
the  people;  only  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  it 
had  a  tendency  to  make  war  still  more  an  affair 
of  the  State,  and  to  separate  it  still  more  from  the 
interests  of  the  people. 

Clausewitz,  ibid.,  vol.  iii,  pp.  98,  99. 


Reversion  of  war  toward  "its  absolute  perfection" 

Since  the  time  of  Buonaparte,  war,  through  be- 
ing first  on  one  side,  then  again  on  the  other,  an 
affair  of  the  whole  nation,  has  assumed  quite  a 
new  nature,  or  rather  it  has  approached  much 
nearer  to  its  real  nature,  to  its  absolute  perfec- 
tion. .  .  .  The  object  of  its  action  was  the  down- 
fall of  the  foe ;  and  not  until  the  enemy  lay  power- 
less on  the  ground  was  it  supposed  to  be  possible 
to  stop  or  to  come  to  any  understanding  with 
respect  to  the  mutual  objects  of  the  contest. 

Thus,  therefore,  the  element  of  war,  freed  from 
all  conventional  restrictions,  broke  loose,  with  all 
its  natural  force. 

Clausewitz,  ibid.,  vol.  iii,  pp.  102,  103. 

Military  necessity  versus  the  laws  of  war 

Military  action  must  be  determined  solely  in  ac- 
cordance with  those  conditions  which  usually  pre- 
vail in  war;  in  this  sense  its  procedure  is  com- 
pletely ruthless.  For  the  individual  soldier  mur- 
der and  ill-treatment,  robbery  and  pillage  are 
crimes  and  offenses  whether  committed  in  war  or 

155 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

in  peace.  It  goes  without  saying  that,  in  actual 
warfare,  it  is  hardly  ever  possible  to  draw  a  sharp 
line  between  these  two  courses  of  action  on  the 
part  of  the  fighting  forces. 

When  war  supplants  peace,  force  and  passion 
make  their  entry  upon  the  great  stage  of  history, 
push  aside  the  artificial  structure  of  peace  with  its 
inherited  and  documented  law  .  .  .  and  become  ab- 
solutely dominant.  .  .  . 

The  effect  which  any  military  action  may  have 
in  overcoming  the  enemy  is  of  decisive  significance 
in  determining  its  moral  value.  Here  it  is  quite 
immaterial  whether  the  anticipated  effect  can  ac- 
tually be  attained;  the  question  is  only  whether 
the  person  responsible  for  the  action  was  entitled 
to  expect  a  successful  result.  Suffering  and  in- 
jury inflicted  upon  the  enemy  are  the  indispensable 
methods  of  bending  and  breaking  his  will.  .  .  . 
Military  action  can  be  regarded  as  barbarous  and 
worthy  of  condemnation  only  when  it  is  taken  with- 
out any  such  purpose  or  when  it  is  out  of  all  pro- 
portion to  the  purpose  to  be  achieved.  What 
seems  harshness  and  rigor  is  really  the  opposite, 
if  it  is  adopted  to  force  the  adversary  to  sue  for 
peace.  Forbearance  and  mildness  have  the  effect 
of  cruelty,  if  they  disregard  the  object  of  war  and 
delay  the  conclusion  of  peace.  .  .  . 

Rights  which  the  war  power  has  to  respect  can 
exist  only  in  so  far  as  they  are  expressly  conceded, 
recognized  or  maintained  by  that  power.  ...  If 
the  war  power  admits  duties,  it  imposes  them 
upon  itself  by  virtue  of  its  own  supremacy;  it  does 

156 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

not  regard  them  as  imposed  upon  itself  by  any  ex- 
ternal authority. 

It  must,  of  course,  be  conceded  that  States  may 
impose  upon  their  war  power  obligations  which 
limit  its  action  permanently  or  in  particular  cases. 
...  In  this  matter,  however,  States  cannot  per- 
mit themselves  to  be  guided  by  general  principles 
of  law.  They  must  necessarily  omit  from  any 
rules  that  they  adopt  everything  that  may  possibly 
check  or  impair  the  freedom  and  effectiveness  of 
military   action.  .  .  . 

Unconditioned  freedom  of  military  action  in  war 
is  an  indispensable  condition  of  military  success. 
This  is  the  principle  which  must  be  invoked  from 
a  military  point  of  view  against  every  effort  to 
fetter  action  by  an  international  law  of  war. 

Gen.  Julius  von  Hartmann,  "Militarische  Notwendigkeit 
und  Humanitat/'  in  the  "Deutsche  Rundschau,"  vol.  xiii 
(1877),  pp.  116-117,  122-124,  vol.  xiv  (1878),  p.  89. 


War  must  be  conducted  more  ruthlessly 

It  would  be  yielding  to  voluntary  self-deception 
not  to  recognize  that  at  the  present  time  war  must 
be  conducted  much  more  ruthlessly  and  much  more 
violently,  and  that  it  must  come  much  nearer  to 
affecting  the  entire  population,  than  has  previously 
been  the  case.  .  .  . 

Utterances  of  approved  legal  authorities  and 
precedents  found  in  international  settlements  can 
hardly  claim  full  authority  in  the  law  of  war  .  .  . 
because  military  situations  necessarily  vary  and 
military  problems  are  therefore  subjected  to  per- 

157 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

sonal  judgment,  which  can  recognize  no  other  law 
than  that  of  military  necessity. 

Hartmann,  ibid.,  vol.  xiv,  pp.  90,  91. 


A  wide  field  for  "arbitrary  judgment" 

A  war  conducted  with  energy  cannot  be  directed 
merely  against  the  combatants  of  the  enemy  State 
and  the  positions  they  occupy,  but  it  will  and  must 
in  like  manner  seek  to  destroy  the  total  spiritual 
and  material  resources  of  the  latter.  .  .  . 

Consequently  the  "argument  of  war"  permits 
every  belligerent  State  to  have  recourse  to  all  means 
which  enable  it  to  attain  the  object  of  the  war. 
Practice,  indeed,  has  taught  the  advisability  of 
allowing  in  one's  own  interest  the  introduction  of 
a  limitation  in  the  use  of  certain  methods  of  war 
and  a  total  renunciation  of  the  use  of  others.  .  .  . 
But  since  the  tendency  of  thought  of  the  last  cen- 
tury was  dominated  essentially  by  humanitarian 
considerations  which  not  infrequently  degenerated 
into  sentimentality  and  flabby  emotionalism,  there 
have  not  been  wanting  attempts  to  influence  the 
development  of  the  usages  of  war  in  a  way  which 
was  in  fundamental  contradiction  with  the  nature 
of  war  and  its  object. 

By  steeping  himself  in  military  history  an  officer 
will  be  able  to  guard  himself  against  excessive  hu- 
manitarian notions.  It  will  teach  him  that  certain 
severities  are  indispensable  to  war,  nay  more,  that 
the  only  true  humanity  very  often  lies  in  a  ruth- 
less application  of  them. 

What  is  permissible  includes  every  means  of  war 

158 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

without  which  the  object  of  the  war  cannot  be  ob- 
tained; what  is  reprehensible  on  the  other  hand 
includes  every  act  of  violence  and  destruction  which 
is  not  demanded  by  the  object  of  the  war. 

It  follows  from  these  universally  valid  principles 
that  wide  limits  are  given  to  the  subjective  free- 
dom and  arbitrary  judgment  of  the  commanding 
officer. 

"Kriegsgebrauch,"  published  under  the  auspices  of  the 
German  General  Staff;  translation,  'The  German  War 
Book,"  by  J.  H.  Morgan  (1915),  PP-  5^,  54,  55,  64. 

"Grow  hard,  warriors  !** 

War  is  not  a  work  of  charity,  and  in  the  soldier's 
heart  there  is  no  compassion. 

The  soldier  must  be  hard.     Grow  hard,  warriors ! 

It  is  better  to  let  a  hundred  women  and  children 
belonging  to  the  enemy  die  of  hunger  than  to  let 
a  single  German  soldier  suffer. 

Gen.  von  der  Goltz,  "The  Ten  Iron  Commandments  of 
the  German  Soldiers";  cited  in  "Juges  par  eux-memes," 
p.  74. 

Application  of  the  theory 

The  country  suffers.  Lodz  is  starving.  It  is  de- 
plorable, but  it  is  for  the  best.  War  is  not  carried 
on  sentimentally.  The  more  merciless,  the  kinder 
it  really  is ;  because  it  will  end  so  much  the  quicker. 
Those  war  methods  which  bring  peace  most 
promptly  are  and  will  always  remain  the  most 
merciful  ones. 

Gen.  von  Hindenburg,  cited  in  "Jngis  par  eux-memes," 
p.  86. 

159 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 
III.    CONDUCT  OF  WAR 

Right  and  duty  of  aggression 

.  .  .  Under  certain  circumstances,  it  is  not  only 
the  right,  but  also  the  moral  and  political  duty  of  the 
statesman  to  bring  about  a  war.  .  .  . 

The  lessons  of  history  .  .  .  confirm  the  view 
that  wars  which  have  been  deliberately  provoked 
by  far-seeing  statesmen  have  had  the  happiest  re- 
sults. .  .  . 

A  surprise  attack,  in  order  to  be  justified,  must 
be  made  in  the  first  place  only  on  the  armed  forces 
of  the  hostile  State,  not  on  peaceful  inhabitants. 
A  further  necessary  preliminary  condition  is  that 
the  tension  of  the  political  situation  brings  the 
possibility  or  probability  of  a  war  clearly  before 
the  eyes  of  both  parties,  so  that  an  expectation  of, 
and  preparations  for,  war  can  be  assumed.  Other- 
wise the  attack  becomes  a  treacherous  crime.  .  .  . 

Of  course,  it  can  be  urged  that  an  attack  is  just 
what  would  produce  an  unfavorable  position  for 
us,  since  it  creates  the  conditions  on  which  the 
Franco-Russian  alliance  would  be  brought  into 
activity.  .  .  .  Let  it  then  be  the  task  of  our  di- 
plomacy so  to  shuffle  the  cards  that  we  may  be 
attacked.  .  .  .  This  view  undoubtedly  deserves  at- 
tention, but  we  must  not  hope  to  bring  about  this 
attack  by  waiting  passively.  Neither  France  nor 
Russia  nor  England  need  to  attack  in  order  to  fur- 
ther their  interests. 

Bernhardi,  "Germany  and  the  Next  War,"  pp.  35,  39, 
179-180,  244,  290. 

160 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

The  commonplaces  as  to  the  responsibility  of 
the  aggressor  must  be  disregarded.  .  .  .  We  must 
forestall  our  principal  adversary  as  soon  as  there 
are  nine  chances  in  ten  that  we  are  going  to  have 

WSLT. 

General  von  Moltke,  Chief  of  Staff  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  World  War;  Report  of  Jules  Cambon,  French  Am- 
bassador in  Berlin  (May  6,  1913).  "French  Yellow 
Book,"  doc.  no.  3. 

We  Pan-Germanists  are  often  and  easily  ac- 
cused of  inciting  to  war,  and  we  old  generals  who 
are  represented  in  the  Pan-Germanist  Association 
are  especially  charged  with  loving  war  for  its  own 
sake.  This  is  not  in  the  least  the  case.  We  do  not 
love  war  for  its  own  sake.  .  .  .  Not  in  order  to  test 
in  serious  battle  the  effect  of  rapid-fire  cannon  and 
machine  guns  .  .  .  have  we  desired  this  war,  but  be- 
cause we  regard  it  as  necessary  in  view  of  the  wrong 
line  of  development  which  our  nation  threatened  to 
take,  and  because  we  were  conscious  that  the  more 
resolutely  and  promptly  a  people  which  in  any  event 
is  to  be  forced  to  fight  for  its  existence  chooses  a 
favorable  moment  for  drawing  the  sword,  the  more 
easily  will  the  war  be  conducted  and  the  lighter  will 
be  the  sacrifices.  .  .  . 

Gen.  Baron  von  Gebsattel,  in  "Der  Panther,"  no.  10 
(Oct.,  1915),  pp.  1178-1179. 


Objects  of  invasion 

.  .  .  Invasion  ...  is     the     occupation     of     the 
enemy's  territory,  not  with  a  view  to  keeping  it,  but 

161 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

in  order  to  levy  contributions  upon  it  or  to  devastate 
it. 

The  immediate  object  here  is  neither  the  con- 
quest of  the  enemy's  territory  nor  the  defeat  of 
his  armed  force,  but  merely  to  do  him  damage  in 
a  general  way. 

Clausewitz,  "On  War,"  vol.  i,  p.  33. 

Terrorizing  occupied  territories 

.  .  .  Terror  seems  relatively  the  milder  method  of 
holding  in  subjection  masses  of  people  who  have 
been  thrown  out  of  the  normal  and  regular  condi- 
tions of  peace.  .  .  .  The  mass  of  the  people,  if  in 
their  passionate  excitement  they  oppose  force  with 
force,  can  be  restrained  from  excesses  only  by 
using  drastic  methods  of  combating  any  such 
paroxysm.  If  individuals  suffer  for  the  sake  of  a 
warning  example,  their  fate  is  deeply  to  be  la- 
mented; but  for  the  whole  body  of  people  the 
severity  exercised  against  these  individuals  oper- 
ates wholesomely  and  is  a  benefit.  Wherever 
popular  war  breaks  out,  terrorism  becomes  a  mili- 
tary necessity. 

Bluntschli,  Jacquemyns  and  others  .  .  .  object 
to  imposing  upon  towns  in  which  offenses  have 
been  committed  fines  which  exceed  the  amount  of 
damage  that  has  been  done;  they  condemn  the 
burning  of  villages  from  which  civilians  have  at- 
tacked troops;  they  refuse  their  assent  to  the  tak- 
ing of  hostages,  whose  arrest  is  to  prevent  illegal 
acts   on  the  part  of  the  population.  .  .  .  Military 

162 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

realism,   in   listening   to   such   utterances,    silently 
shrugs  its  shoulders. 

Hartmann,  in  the  "Deutsche  Rundschau,"  vol.  13,  p. 
462. 

Living  on  the  country 

The  due  execution  of  .  .  .  requisitions  is  en- 
forced by  detachments  placed  under  the  orders 
of  the  official  functionaries,  but  still  more  by  the 
fear  of  responsibility,  punishment,  and  ill-treatment 
which,  in  such  cases,  presses  on  the  whole  popula- 
tion like  a  general  weight. 

This  resource  has  no  limits  except  those  of  the 
exhaustion,  impoverishment  and  devastation  of  the 
country;  ...  at  the  same  time,  even  an  invader, 
when  his  stay  is  prolonged  in  his  enemy's  country, 
is  not  usually  so  barbarous  and  reckless  as  to  lay 
upon  that  country  the  entire  burden  of  his  sup- 
port. .  .  .  But  here  naturally  arises  the  question: 
Shall  the  war  prescribe  the  system  of  subsistence, 
or  shall  the  latter  dictate  the  nature  of  the  war? 
To  this  we  answer:  The  system  of  subsistence  will 
control  the  war,  as  far  as  the  other  conditions  on 
which  it  depends  permit;  but  when  the  latter  are 
encroached  upon,  the  war  will  react  on  the  sub- 
sistence system,  and  in  such  case  determine  the 
same. 

Whatever  method  of  providing  subsistence  may 
be  chosen,  it  is  but  natural  that  it  would  be  more 
easily  carried  out  in  rich  and  well-peopled  coun- 
tries, than  in  the  midst  of  a  poor  and  scanty  popu- 

163 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

lation.  .  .  .  There    is    infinitely    less    difficulty    in 
supporting  an  army  in  Flanders  than  in  Poland. 
Clausewitz,  "On  War,"  vol.  ii,  pp.  97-98,  loi,  103. 


Military  requisitions:  theory  versus  practice 

The  system  of  requisitions  goes  far  beyond  the 
taking  of  means  of  subsistence  from  the  country  in 
which  war  is  being  conducted;  it  includes  the  en- 
tire exploitation  of  that  country  in  every  way,  ac- 
cording to  the  needs  of  the  operating  army  as  re- 
gards facilitating  and  furthering  its  action  and  as 
regards  the  permanence  and  security  of  its  position. 
.  .  .  This  implies  that  military  necessity  can  make 
no  distinction  between  public  and  private  property, 
that  it  is  entitled  to  take  what  it  needs  wherever 
and  however  it  can.  .  .  . 

It  will  be  said  that  the  modern  law  of  war  does 
not  prohibit  requisitions,  that  it  recognizes  their 
legitimacy  and  demands  only  that  they  shall  be 
made  in  an  orderly  and  regular  manner  and  that, 
in  so  far  as  private  rights  are  violated,  compensa- 
tion shall  in  principle  be  accorded  to  the  persons 
injured.  .  .  .  Here  again,  however,  the  funda- 
mental principle  of  all  warfare  must  not  be  ignored ; 
the  hostile  State  is  not  to  be  spared  the  suffering 
and  privations  of  warfare;  these  are  particularly 
adapted  to  break  its  energy  and  to  coerce  its  will. 
.  .  .  The  State  at  war  must  spare  its  own  means 
for  conducting  war  and  must  injure  and  destroy 
those  of  the  enemy. 

Hartmann,  in  the  "Deutsche  Rundschau,"  vol.  xiii,  p. 

459. 

164 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

Article  40  of  the  Declaration  of  Brussels  re- 
quires that  the  requisitions  (being  written  out)  shall 
bear  a  direct  relation  to  the  capacity  and  resources 
of  a  country,  and,  indeed,  the  justification  for  this 
condition  would  be  willingly  recognized  by  every- 
one in  theory,  but  it  will  scarcely  ever  be  observed 
in  practice.  In  cases  of  necessity  the  needs  of  the 
army  will  alone  decide.  .  .  . 

"The  German  War  Book,"  p.  134. 

Drastic  methods  of  obtaining  services 

When  the  law  of  peace  is  supplanted  by  the  law 
of  war,  imposed  upon  occupied  territory  by  the  war 
power  of  the  occupying  army,  it  does  not  abandon 
its  claim  to  continued  authority.  All  paragraphs 
of  the  domestic  code  threatening  punishment  for 
treason  remain  in  force;  only  extreme  duress  im- 
posed by  the  invader  can  protect  the  inhabitants,  in 
case  these  render  services  to  the  invading  army, 
against  subsequent  accountability  to  their  own 
courts  in  case  of  a  change  in  the  fortunes  of  war 
or  after  the  conclusion  of  peace.  Here  the  one 
threat  of  punishment  has  to  overbid  the  other;  the 
invading  army  cannot  dispense  with  the  services  of 
the  inhabitants;  it  is  obliged  to  demand  them;  it 
needs  them  at  every  step.  These  services  can  be 
assured  only  through  fear  of  severer  and  more  cer- 
tain punishment  than  that  threatened  by  the  domes- 
tic law.  In  such  cases  interest  and  fear  must 
silence  patriotism  and  the  sense  of  right  in  the 
hostile    population.     This    is   certainly    far    from 

16s 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

moral,  but  it  is  a  military  necessity  and  the  inevit- 
able result  of  military  invasion. 

Hartmann,  in  the  "Deutsche  Rundschau,"  vol.  xiii,  p. 
464. 

The  summoning  of  the  inhabitants  to  supply 
vehicles  and  perform  works  has  also  been  stigma- 
tized as  an  unjustifiable  compulsion  upon  the  in- 
habitants to  participate  in  "military  operations." 
But  it  is  clear  that  an  officer  can  never  allow  such  a 
far-reaching  extension  of  this  conception.  .  .  .  The 
argument  of  war  must  decide. 

Therefore  the  conduct  of  the  German  civil  com- 
missioner, Count  Renard — so  strongly  condemned 
by  .  .  .  jurists  with  French  sympathies — who,  in 
order  to  compel  labor  for  the  necessary  repair  of  a 
bridge,  threatened  ...  to  punish  the  workers  by 
shooting  some  of  them,  was  in  accordance  with 
the  actual  laws  of  war.  .  .  . 

"The  German  War  Book,"  pp.  118-119. 

Civilian   "hostages" 

A  new  application  of  "hostage-right"  was  prac- 
ticed by  the  German  Staff  in  the  War  of  1870, 
when  it  compelled  leading  citizens  from  French 
towns  and  villages  to  accompany  trains  and  loco- 
motives, in  order  to  protect  the  railway  communi- 
cations which  were  threatened  by  the  people.  Since 
the  lives  of  peaceable  inhabitants  were,  without  any 
fault  on  their  part,  thereby  exposed  to  grave  danger, 
every  writer  outside  Germany  has  stigmatized  this 
measure  as  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations  and  as 
unjustified  toward  the  inhabitants  of  the  country. 

166 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

As  against  this  unfavorable  criticism  it  must  be 
pointed  out  that  this  measure,  which  was  also 
recognized  on  the  German  side  as  harsh  and  cruel, 
was  only  resorted  to  after  declarations  and  in- 
structions of  the  occupying  authorities  had  proved 
ineffective,  and  that  in  the  particular  circumstance 
it  was  the  only  method  which  promised  to  be  ef- 
fective against  the  doubtless  unauthorized,  indeed 
the  criminal,  behavior  of  a  fanatical  population. 
"The  German  War  Book,"  pp.  1 19-120. 


Devastation  of  abandoned  enemy  territory 

The  army  in  retreat  has  the  means  of  collecting 
provisions  everywhere.  .  .  .  All  that  the  country 
yields  will  be  taken  for  the  benefit  of  the  retreating 
army  first,  and  will  be  mostly  consumed.  Nothing 
remains  but  wasted  villages  and  towns,  fields  from 
which  the  crops  have  been  gathered  or  which  are 
trampled  down,  empty  wells  and  muddy  brooks. 
Clausewitz,  "On  War,"  vol.  ri,  p.  326. 

.  .  .  The  offensive  of  an  invading  army  has 
failed;  it  is  executing  a  rapid  retreat  in  order  to 
gain,  in  the  rear,  a  new  position,  reenforcements  and 
fresh  military  supplies.  For  this  army  it  has  be- 
come almost  a  question  of  life  and  death  to  retard 
the  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  ...  In  the  territory 
abandoned  the  enemy  must  encounter  obstacles 
that  impede  his  movements;  he  must  find  it  prac- 
tically impossible  to  secure  the  necessary  supplies 
for  his  troops.  In  such  a  case  the  destruction,  in- 
deed the  devastation  of  the  abandoned  territory 

167 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

becomes  a  military  duty  of  self-preservation.  .  .  . 
To  distinguish  in  such  a  case  between  public  prop- 
erty and  private  property  would  be  disastrous. 

Hartmann,  in  the  "Deutsche  Rundschau,"  vol.  xiii,  p. 
460. 

IV.    WAR  FOR  CONQUEST 


Justification  of  conquest 

Strong,  healthy,  and  flourishing  nations  increase 
in  numbers.  From  a  given  moment  they  require  a 
continual  expansion  of  their  frontiers,  they  require 
new  territory  for  the  accommodation  of  their  sur- 
plus population.  Since  almost  every  part  of  the 
globe  is  inhabited,  new  territory  must,  as  a  rule, 
be  obtained  at  the  cost  of  its  possessors — that  is 
to  say,  by  conquest,  which  thus  becomes  a  law  of 
necessity.  ...  In  such  cases  might  gives  the  right 
to  occupy  or  to  conquer.  Might  is  at  once  the 
supreme  right,  and  the  dispute  as  to  what  is  right 
is  decided  by  the  arbitrament  of  war. 

Bernhardi,  "Germany  and  the  Next  War,"  pp.  14-15. 

"World  power  or  downfall" 

It  was  war  that  laid  the  foundations  of  Prus- 
sia's power,  that  amassed  a  heritage  of  glory  and 
honor  that  can  never  again  be  disputed.  War 
forged  that  Prussia,  hard  as  steel,  on  which  the 
New  Germany  could  grow  up  as  a  mighty  European 
State  and  a  World  Power  of  the  future.  .  .  . 

We  fought  the  last  great  wars  for  our  national 
168 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

union    and    our    position    among    the    Powers    of 
Europe.  .  .  . 

Our  next  war  will  be  fought  for  the  highest  in- 
terests of  our  country  and  of  mankind.  This  will 
invest  it  with  importance  in  the  world's  history. 
"World  power  or  downfall!"  will  be  our  rallying 
cry.  ... 

Bernhardi,  ibid.,  pp.  27,  loi,  156. 


Need  of  strengthening  Germany's  European 
position 

.  .  .  The  German  nation,  from  the  standpoint  of 
its  importance  to  civilization,  is  fully  entitled  not 
only  to  demand  a  place  in  the  sun,  as  Prince  Biilow 
used  modestly  to  express  it,  but  to  aspire  to  an 
adequate  share  in  the  sovereignty  of  the  world  far 
beyond  the  limits  of  its  present  sphere  of  influence. 
But  we  can  reach  this  goal  only  by  so  amply  se- 
curing our  position  in  Europe  that  it  can  never 
again  be  questioned.  Then  only  we  need  n©  longer 
fear  that  we  shall  be  opposed  by  stronger  opponents 
whenever  we  take  part  in  international  politics. 

Bernhardi,  ibid.,  p.  y8. 

We  can  increase  our  power  by  joining  to  Ger- 
many those  middle  European  States  which  are  at 
present  independent,  forming  a  Central  European 
Union  which  .  .  .  should  have  the  purpose  of  de- 
fense and  offense  for  promoting  the  interests  of 
all  its  members.  This  object  can  in  all  probability 
be  realized  only  after  a  victorious  war. 

Bernhardi,  "Unsere  Zukunft"  (1912)  ;  translation  by 
169 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

J.  Ellis  Barker,  entitled  "Britain  as  Germany's  Vassal" 
(1914),  pp.  207-208. 

"France  must  be  crushed" 

.  .  .  Our  political  position  would  be  considerably- 
consolidated  if  we  could  finally  get  rid  of  the  stand- 
ing danger  that  France  will  attack  us  on  a  favor- 
able occasion,  so  soon  as  we  find  ourselves  involved 
in  complications  elsewhere.  In  one  way  or  an- 
other we  must  square  our  account  with  France  if 
we  wish  for  a  free  hand  in  our  international  policy. 
This  is  the  first  and  foremost  condition  of  a  sound 
German  policy,  and  since  the  hostility  of  France 
once  for  all  cannot  be  removed  by  peaceful  over- 
tures, the  matter  must  be  settled  by  force  of  arms. 
France  must  be  so  completely  crushed  that  she  can 
never  again  come  across  our  path. 

Bernhardi,  "Germany  and  the  Next  War,"  pp.  78,  104. 

A  Colonial  Empire 

In  the  most  recent  partition  of  the  earth,  that  of 
Africa,  victorious  Germany  came  off  badly.  France, 
her  defeated  opponent,  was  able  to  found  the  sec- 
ond largest  Colonial  Empire  in  the  world;  Eng- 
.land  appropriated  the  most  important  portions; 
even  small  and  neutral  Belgium  claimed  a  com- 
paratively large  and  valuable  share;  Germany  was 
forced  to  be  content  with  some  modest  strips  of 
territory.  .  .  . 

We  shall  soon,  therefore,  be  faced  by  the  ques- 
tion, whether  we  wish  to  surrender  the  coming 
generations   to   foreign   countries,   as   formerly   in 

170 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

the  hour  of  our  decline,  or  whether  we  wish  to  take 
steps  to  find  them  a  home  in  our  own  German 
colonies,  and  so  retain  them  for  the  Fatherland. 
There  is  no  possible  doubt  how  this  question  must 
be  answered.  .  .  . 

In  the  future  .  .  .  the  importance  of  Germany 
will  depend  on  two  points:  First,  how  many  mil- 
lions of  men  in  the  world  speak  German?  Second, 
how  many  of  them  are  politically  members  of  the 
German  Empire? 

Bernhardi,  ibid.,  pp.  62,  79,  80. 

Two  Teutonic  Empires 

Two  new  political  organizations  should  be 
formed:  The  Empire  of  Middle  Europe,  in  connec- 
tion with  Germany,  and  the  Empire  of  Southeastern 
Europe  in  connection  with  Austria-Hungary. 
Their  external  boundaries  will  be  determined  by 
the  progress  of  military  events.  It  may  in  general 
be  expected  that  all  districts  now  occupied  by  the 
Central  Powers  will  be  incorporated  in  these  new 
political  organizations.  There  is  really  no  occa- 
sion for  restoring  countries  won  by  the  sword  to 
States  that  were  too  weak  to  be  able  to  protect 
them. 

"Warum  war  der  Weltkrieg  eine  Notwendigkeit,"  by 
"An  Officer  of  Curassiers"  (1915),  p.  14. 

Annexations  in  the  West 

In  order  to  free  our  western  flank  permanently 
from  political  and  military  pressure,  it  would  have 
been  quite  sufficient  if   [in   1871]    we  had  created 

171 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

conditions  which  would  have  made  any  later  at- 
tack on  the  part  of  France,  if  not  an  impossibility, 
at  least  an  act  of  suicide,  and  which  would  have 
made  defense  on  the  German  side  mere  child's  play. 
.  .  .  Had  the  crest  of  the  Vosges  with  the  glacis 
at  their  feet  and  the  neighboring  chain  of  fortresses 
come  into  our  hands,  had  we  also  drawn  the  fron- 
tier in  such  a  way  .  .  .  that  it  reached  the  coast  of 
the  Channel  somewhere  south  of  Boonen  (Bou- 
logne)— perhaps  following  the  Somme — then  the 
trump  cards  of  strategic  attack  would  have  passed 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  French  into  our  hands,  we 
should  have  been  something  like  lOO  kilometers 
nearer  Paris  on  the  northeast,  and  we  should  have 
held  in  pincers,  as  it  were,  the  whole  of  eastern  and 
central  France.  Belgium  would  also  have  been 
protected  from  any  danger  of  French  invasion,  and 
at  the  same  time  our  industries  would  have  been 
in  possession  of  important  coal  and  iron  districts 
which  in  1871  partially  escaped  the  glance  of  the 
scientific  experts  who  were  then  called  into  coun- 
cil. .  .  . 

...  In  view  of  the  hostility  of  England  ...  it 
is  indispensable  to  take  away  from  the  English  the 
Belgian  glacis  and  to  bring  firmly  into  our  control 
the  entire  coast  with  its  corresponding  hinter- 
land. .  .  . 

Gebsattel,  in  "Der  Panther,"  no.  10  (Oct.,  1915),  pp. 
1183-1186. 

Annexations  in  the  East 

The  stiff  neck  of  the  Russians  must  be  turned  to 
the   East,  even   if  a  couple  of  cervical   vertebrae 

172 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

should  be  dislocated  in  the  process.  The  barrier  of 
alien  subjects  must  be  torn  out  of  Russian  hands 
and  turned  into  a  rampart  of  protection  for  Europe. 

...  In  carrying  out  this  plan,  history  would  be  re- 
vised backward  for  something  like  200  years,  the 
Russian  Colossus  would  be  thrown  back  behind 
the  pre-Petrine  boundaries,  and  the  Russian  polit- 
ical system  would  receive  that  imprint  and  those 
tasks  that  really  belong  to  it  as  a  semi-Asiatic 
State.  .  .  . 

Gebsattel,  ibid.,  p.  1 1 87. 


Transfer  of  populations 

The  seed  that  was  sown  after  the  capture  of  Lodz 
will  ripen  to  harvest  when  peace  is  made.  The 
power  of  Middle  Europe  will  be  strengthened,  that 
of  the  Great  Russians  will  be  pushed  back  to  the 
East,  whence  they  came  not  so  very  long  ago.  .  .  . 

Lieut.-Gen.  Ludendorff,  in  the  "Deutsche  Lodzer  Zei- 
tung,"  Feb.  9,  191 6. 

The  objection  will,  of  course,  be  raised  that  any 
such  eastern  annexations  in  connection  with  the 
necessary  changes  in  our  western  boundary  would 
bring  into  the  German  Empire  millions  of  people 
of  alien  stock.  .  .  .  The  character  of  the  German 
Empire  as  a  national  state  must  of  course  be  se- 
cured beyond  all  doubt  and  against  every  peril. 
.  .  .  The  way  in  which  this  object  can  be  attained 
is  fortunately  indicated  by  a  series  of  historic  ex- 
amples. It  is  well  known  that  the  Romans,  the 
greatest  colonizers  in  the  ancient  world,  resorted 

^73 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

by  preference  in  difficult  cases  to  transfers  of  en- 
tire populations.  A  similar  procedure  was  success- 
fully adopted  by  Charlemagne,  and  it  has  been  ap- 
plied in  the  Balkans  and,  during  the  present  war, 
by  the  Hungarians,  who  have  transplanted  tens  of 
thousands  of  Serbs  from  Syrmia  to  more  trust- 
worthy parts  of  the  country.  .  .  . 

Gebsattel,  loc.  cit,,  pp.  1194-1195. 


Militarist  propaganda  for  annexations,  191 7 

Copenhagen,  June  9. — An  energetic  complaint  is  ad- 
dressed by  the  Socialist  newspaper,  "Vorwarts"  of  Ber- 
lin, to  General  von  Ludendorff,  Lieutenant-General  von 
Stein,  the  Prussian  War  Minister,  and  others  in  high  of- 
ficial places  who  are  facilitating  the  circulation  among 
the  troops,  in  hospitals,  in  schools  and  elsewhere  of  a 
Pan-German  brochure  entitled  "Germany's  Position  Un- 
der Good  and  Bad  Peace.'*  The  brochure,  which  belongs 
among  the  most  extreme  outbursts  of  the  annexationist 
literary  fancies,  is  directed  particularly  against  peace 
along  the  lines  suggested  by  Philipp  Scheidemann  and 
other  Socialists.  It  contains  graphic  representations  of 
Germany  bowed  down  under  a  weight  of  debt  in  conse- 
quence of  a  peace  without  indemnity,  and  striding  for- 
ward with  renewed  vigor  and  a  huge  bag  of  gold  in  the 
event  of  a  Pan-German  peace. 

Among  the  most  striking  features  of  the  brochure  are 
maps  showing  Germany  covering  or  dominating  three- 
quarters  of  Europe.  Not  only  are  the  usual  sweeping 
demands  for  annexations  made,  but  the  articles  rise  to 
the  heights  of  suggesting  the  incorporation  of  France  as 
a  federated  State  of  Germany,  or,  alternatively,  the  an- 
nexation of  a  corridor  connecting  Germany  with  the 
Mediterranean.     Other  features  in  the  program  thus  put 

174 


UTTERANCES  OF  MILITARY  WRITERS 

forward  are  the  expulsion  of  Great  Britain  from  the 
Mediterranean,  the  entry  of  the  Scandinavian  countries 
into  a  German  customs  union,  extension  of  the  German 
sphere  of  influence  in  Persia  and  Afghanistan,  hoisting 
the  German  flag  over  the  Azores,  Cape  Verde  and  other 
islands,  and  the  reduction  of  Poland,  Courland,  the 
Baltic  provinces,  Finland  and  the  bulk  of  European  Rus- 
sia to  the  status  of  protectorates  or  annexed  territories 
of  Germany. 

"Vorwarts"  has  obtained  a  publisher's  circular  disclos- 
ing that  German  Great  Headquarters  and  the  War  Min- 
istry purchased  a  large  number  of  these  brochures,  and 
that  General  von  Ludendorff  and  General  von  Stein  dis- 
tributed 15,000  free  copies  among  the  troops. 

Dispatch  published  in  the  "New  York  Times,"  June  10, 
1917. 


CHAPTER  IX 

UTTERANCES    OF    COl^^M ANDERS   AND   SOLDIERS 
IN    xHE  FIELD 


L    MILITARY  PROCLAMATIONS 

Terrorism  by  indiscriminate  punishment* 

1  In  case  any  of  the  inhabitants  fire  upon  soldiers 
J  of  the  German  army,  one-third  of  the  male  popu- 
^   lation  will  be  shot. 

Notice  posted  up  in  Hasselt,  Belgium,  Aug.  17,  1914; 
"Juges  par  eux-memes,"  p.  84. 

The  population  of  Andenne,  after  making  a  dis- 
play of  peaceful  intentions  toward  our  troops,  at- 
tacked them  in  the  most  treacherous  manner.  With 
my  authorization,  the  General  commanding  these 
troops  has  reduced  the  town  to  ashes  and  has  had 
no  persons  shot. 

I  bring  this  fact  to  the  knowledge  of  the  people 
of  Liege  in  order  that  they  may  know  what  fate 
to  expect  should  they  adopt  a  similar  attitude. 

Order  to  the  people  of  Liege,  Belgium,  issued  Aug.  22, 
1914,  by  Gen.  von  Biilow;  ''Scraps  of  Paper:  German 
Proclamations  in  Belgium  and  France"  (London,  Hodder 
and  Stoughton,  1916),  pp.  (i-y.    All  the  proclamations  in- 

*See  Appendix,  pp.  252-254,  arts.  23  (g),  50. 
176 


UTTERANCES  OF  COMMANDERS 

eluded  in  this  collection  are  reproduced  in  photographic 
facsimiles. 


The  German  Armies  have  made  their  entry  into 
France. 

Although  we  will  respect  the  liberty  of  non-com- 
batants, we  have  at  the  same  time  decided  to  re- 
press with  the  greatest  energy  and  without  mercy 
any  act  of  hostility  committed  against  German 
troops. 

The  following  will  be  immediately  shot: 

All  persons  guilty  of  any  act  of  hostility  against 
a  member  of  the  German  Army; 

All  the  inhabitants  and  proprietors  of  houses  in 
which  Frenchmen  belonging  to  the  Army,  or  per- 
sons firing  on  our  troops,  may  be  found,  unless 
these  facts,  or  the  presence  of  suspected  persons, 
have  been  announced  to  the  local  Command  imme- 
diately after  the  entry  of  our  troops; 

Any  persons  who  try  to  help  or  who  have  helped 
the  enemy's  forces,  or  who  try  to  harm  or  have 
harmed  our  Armies  in  any  way  whatever,  espe- 
cially by  cutting  the  telephone  and  telegraph  wires ; 

Anyone  who  tears  down  these  notices. 

The  following  will  be  held  responsible  for  acts 
of  hostility  by  the  population:  The  Cure,  the 
Mayor,  the  Mayor's  Assessor,  and  the  Schoolmas- 
ters. 

All  buildings  will  be  burnt  in  which  or  from 
which  acts  of  hostility  have  been  committed.  In 
case  of  repetition  the  whole  town  will  be  destroyed 
and  burnt. 

Proclamation  by  Gen.  Knoerzer  to  the  inhabitants  of 
177 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

St.    Die,    Vosges,    France,    Aug.    27,    1914;    "Scraps   of 
Paper,"  pp.  16-17. 

If  .  .  .  the  population  should  dare  to  take  part 
in  any  way  whatever,  openly  or  secretly,  in  hos- 
tilities against  our  troops,  the  most  severe  punish- 
ments will  be  inflicted  on  the  guilty.  .  .  . 

Any  towns  or  villages,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
may  take  part  in  the  fighting  against  our  troops, 
fire  at  our  baggage  or  at  our  supply  columns,  or 
lay  an  ambush  for  German  soldiers,  will  be  set  on 
fire  and  the  guilty  persons  immediately  shot. 

The  Civil  Authorities  alone  are  in  a  position  to 
save  the  inhabitants  from  the  terrors  and  scourges 
of  war. 

It  is  they  who  will  be  responsible  for  the  un- 
avoidable consequences  of  disregarding  this  Procla- 
mation. 

Proclamation  issued  by  Gen.  von  Moltke,  Chief  of 
the  General  Staff,  at  Epernay,  Marne,  France,  Sept.  4, 
1914;  "Scraps  of  Paper,"  pp.  20-21. 


Constructive  "espionage" 

The  persons  mentioned  below  were  condemned 
by  the  Tribunal  of  the  Council  of  War  and  shot 

this  same  day  at  the  Citadel,  namely: 

Eugene  Jacuet,  Wholesale  Wine  Merchant, 

Ernest  Deconinck,       Sub-Lieutenant, 

Georges  Maertens,       Tradesman, 

Sylvere  Verhulst,         Workman. 

(i)  For  having  concealed  the  English  aviator 
who   alighted   at  Wattignies   on   the    nth   of   last 

178 


UTTERANCES  OF  COMMANDERS 

March,  for  having"  given  him  shelter  and  facihtated 
his  passage  to  France,  so  that  he  was  able  to  re- 
turn to  the  enemy's  lines; 

(2)  For  having  maintained  and  assisted  mem- 
bers of  the  enemy  army  who,  after  discarding  their 
uniforms,  remained  in  Lille  and  its  suburbs,  and 
for  having  enabled  them  to  escape  into  France. 

By  proclamation  of  the  Governor,  of  April  7, 
191 5,  these  two  cases,  being  considered  as  espion- 
age, are  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  public  in 
order  that  they  may  serve  as  a  warning. 

Notice  posted  up  in  Lille,  Nord,  France,  Sept.  22^  1915; 
"Scraps  of  Paper,"  pp.  26-27. 

The  Tribunal  of  the  Imperial  German  Council 
of  War  sitting  in  Brussels  has  pronounced  the  fol- 
lowing sentences: 

Condemned  to  death  for  conspiring  together  to 
commit  treason : 

Edith  Cavell,  Teacher,  of  Brussels. 

Philippe  Bancq,  Architect,  of  Brussels. 

Jeanne  de  Belleville,  of  Montignies. 

Louise  Thuiliez,  Professor  at  Lille. 

Louis  Severin,  Chemist,  of  Brussels. 

Albert  Libiez,  Lawyer,  of  Mons. 

For  the  same  offense  the  following  have  been 
condemned  to  fifteen  years'  hard  labor: 

Hermann  Capiau,  Engineer,  of  Wasmes. 

Ada  Bodart,  of  Brussels. 

Georges  Derveau,  Chemist,  of  Paturages. 

Mary  de  Croy,  of  Bellignies. 

At  the  same  sitting,  the  War  Council  condemned 
seventeen  others  charged  with  treason  against  the 

179 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Imperial  Armies  to  sentences  of  hard  labor  and 
imprisonment  varying  from  two  to  eight  years. 

The  sentences  passed  on  Bancq  and  Edith  Cavell 
have  already  been  fully  executed. 

The  Governor-General  of  Brussels  brings  these 
facts  to  the  knowledge  of  the  public  that  they  may 
serve  as  a  warning. 

Proclamation  of  General  von  Bissing,  Brussels,  Oct. 
12,  1915;  "Scraps  of  Paper,"  pp.  30-31.  The  offenses 
here  described  as  "treason"  were  of  the  same  character 
as  those  characterized  in  the  preceding  Lille  notice  as 
'"espionage." 

Collection   of  contributions  and   indemnities* 

The  town  of  Wavre  will  be  set  on  fire  and  de- 
stroyed if  payment  of  a  contribution  of  three  mil- 
lion francs  is  not  made  within  a  reasonable  time, 
no  matter  who  may  be  injured;  the  innocent  will 
suffer  with  the  guilty. 

Notice  from  Gen.  von  Vieber  to  the  Mayor  of  Wavre, 
Belgium,  Aug.  2,  1914;  "Juges  par  eux-memes,"  p.  83. 

On  account  of  acts  of  hostility  an  indemnity  of 
650,000  francs  is  imposed  on  the  Commune  of 
Luneville.  The  Mayor  is  ordered  to  pay  over  this 
sum  on  September  6th,  1914,  at  9  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  to  the  representative  of  the  German  mil- 
itary authorities.  Fifty  thousand  francs  of  the  pay- 
ment must  be  made  in  specie.  All  appeals  will  be 
considered  null  and  void.  No  postponement  will 
be  granted. 

If  the  Commune  does  not  punctually  execute  the 

*See  Appendix,  pp.  252-254,  arts.  23  (g),  46,  47,  50,  53,  56. 
180 


UTTERANCES  OF  COMMANDERS 

order  to  pay  this  sum  of  650,000  francs,  all  goods 
that  can  be  distrained  upon  will  be  seized. 

In  case  of  non-payment,  house-to-house  visits 
will  be  made  and  all  the  inhabitants  will  be 
searched.  Any  person  who  has  deliberately  con- 
cealed money  or  tried  to  withhold  goods  from 
seizure  by  the  military  authorities,  or  who  attempts 
to  leave  the  town,  will  be  shot. 

The  Mayor  and  the  hostages  taken  by  the  mili- 
tary authorities  will  be  made  responsible  for  the 
exact  execution  of  the  above  orders.  The  Mayor 
is  ordered  to  publish  these  directions  to  the  Com- 
mune immediately. 

Notice  from  Gen.  von  Fasbender,  dated  Henamenil, 
Meurthe  et  Moselle,  France,  Sept.  3,  1914;  "Scraps  of 
Paper,"  pp.  lo-ii. 

Maintaining  "tranquillity."     Hostages* 

.  .  .  Every  street  will  be  occupied  by  a  German 
patrol  who  will  take  ten  hostages  for  the  street. 
If  an  assault  takes  place  in  a  street,  the  ten  hos- 
tages will  be  shot. 

Proclamation  of  Gen.  von  Biilow,  Namur,  Belgium, 
Aug.  25,  1914;  "Juges  par  eux-memes,"  p.  83. 

Inhabitants  of  either  sex  are  strictly  forbidden  to 
leave  their  houses,  so  far  as  this  is  not  absolutely 
necessary  for  making  short  rounds,  in  order  to  buy 
provisions  or  water  their  cattle.  They  are  abso- 
lutely forbidden  to  leave  their  houses  at  night  un- 
der any  circumstances  whatever. 

*See  Appendix,  p.  254,  art.  50.  See  also  Gen.  von  Hart- 
mann  and  "German  War  Book,"  above,  pp.  162-163,  166-167. 

181 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Whoever  attempts  to  leave  the  place,  by  night  or 
day,  upon  any  pretext  whatever,  will  be  shot. 

Potatoes  can  be  dug  only  with  the  Command- 
ant's consent  and  under  military  supervision. 

The  German  troops  have  orders  to  carry  out 
these  directions  strictly,  by  sentinels  and  patrols, 
who  are  authorized  to  fire  on  anyone  departing 
from  these  directions. 

Proclamation  issued  by  the  General  in  command  at 
Luneville,  Meurthe  et  Moselle,  France,  end  of  August, 
1914;  "Scraps  of  Paper,"  pp.  12-13. 

The  Mayor  of  the  town  of  Luneville  officially 
requests  the  inhabitants,  under  the  sanction  of  the 
most  severe  penalties,  to  abstain  from  making  any 
signals  to  aeroplanes  or  other  details  of  the  French 
Army. 

It  would  be  very  imprudent,  even  out  of  simple 
curiosity,  to  follow  too  attentively  the  maneuvers 
of  the  aircraft  that  fly  over  Luneville,  or  to  try  to 
communicate  with  the  French  outposts. 

The  immediate  steps  to  enforce  this,  which  would 
be  taken  by  Colonel  Lidl,  Commandant  of  the  Com- 
munications Depot,  would  consist  in  the  seizure  of 
a  considerable  number  of  hostages  from  the  work- 
ing class  as  well  as  from  the  middle  class. 

Notice  posted  up  at  Luneville,  end  of  August,  1914. 
Luneville  wsls  held  by  the  Germans  only  until  Sept.  11, 
1914.     "Scraps  of  Paper,"  pp.  14-15. 

In  order  sufficiently  to  insure  the  safety  of  our 
troops  and  the  tranquillity  of  the  population  of 
Rheims,  the  persons  mentioned  have  been  seized 

182 


UTTERANCES  OF  COMMANDERS 

as  hostages  by  the  Commander  of  the  German 
Army.  These  hostages  will  be  shot  if  there  is  the 
least   disorder. 

Notice  to  the  people  of  Rheims,  by  the  General  in  com- 
mand, Sept.  12,  1914;  "Scraps  of  Paper,"  pp.  24-25. 

On  the  evening  of  September  25th,  railroad  tracks 
and  telegraph  wires  were  destroyed  between  Lov- 
enjoul  and  Vertryck.  On  the  morning  of  Septem- 
ber 30th,  both  the  localities  designated  were  held 
to  account  for  this  action  and  were  forced  to  give 
up  hostages. 

In  future  the  inhabitants  of  places  situated  near 
railways  and  telegraph  lines  which  have  been  de- 
stroyed will  be  punished  without  mercy,  whether 
they  are  guilty  of  this  destruction  or  not.  For  this 
purpose,  hostages  have  been  taken  in  all  places  in 
the  vicinity  of  railways  in  danger  of  similar  at- 
tacks ;  and  at  the  first  attempt  to  destroy  any  rail- 
way, telegraph,  or  telephone  line,  they  will  be  shot 
immediately. 

Proclamation  by  Field  Marshal  von  der  Goltz,  Gov- 
ernor-General of  Belgium,  dated  Brussels,  Oct.  5,  1914; 
"Juges  par  eux-memes,"  p.  84;  "Scraps  of  Paper,"  pp. 
28-29.  It  is  stated  by  the  editor  of  the  latter  collection 
that  the  acts  recited  by  the  Governor  were  not  done  by 
Belgian  civilians  but  by  Belgian  soldiers  raiding  through 
the  German  lines. 


By  higher  order  of  the  supreme  command  of  the 
army,  the  names  of  the  persons  who  will  answer 
with  their  lives  for  the  safety  of  the  railways  in  the 

district  of  Noyon  are  herewith  published: 

183 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

M.  Felix,  Mayor. 

M.  Jouve,  Assistant  of  the  Mayor. 

M.  Cozette,  Veterinary  Surgeon. 

M.  Briere,  Banker 

M.  Nancel,  Tradesman. 

Order  posted  at  Noyon,  France,  Oct.  8,  191 5,  by  the 
Commandant  of  the  town;  published  in  photographic  fac- 
simile in  the  "New  York  Times,"  July  22,  1917. 


Instruction  in  deportment 

The  population  is  reminded  that,  by  higher  order, 
all  the  inhabitants  of  the  male  sex,  not  under  twelve 
years  of  age,  are  to  salute  politely,  by  uncovering 
their  heads,  all  officers  of  the  German  army,  and  also 
all  functionaries  having  the  rank  of  officer. 

The  Commandant  of  the  town  has  ascertained 
that,  in  spite  of  these  instructions,  many  men,  and 
chiefly  young  men,  do  not  salute  or  do  so  only  in  an 
unsuitable  manner. 

Consequently,  to  avoid  annoyance  (ennui)  to 
themselves,  the  people  are  requested  to  conform 
strictly  to  the  orders  of  which  they  are  reminded 
above. 

Notice  posted  at  Noyon,  May  12,  1916;  "New  York 
Times,"  July  22,  191 7. 

Deportation  orders 

In  reading  the  following  orders,  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  the  inhabitants  of  the  portions  of  France  oc- 
cupied by  the  German  forces  were  being  fed  by  Amer- 
ican relief  agents  at  the  cost  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment. 

184 


UTTERANCES  OF  COMMANDERS 

The  attitude  of  England  makes  the  provisioning 
of  the  population  more  and  more  difficult. 

To  reduce  the  misery,  the  German  authorities 
have  recently  asked  for  volunteers  to  go  to  work 
in  the  country.  This  offer  has  not  had  the  success 
that  was  expected. 

In  consequence  of  this,  the  inhabitants  will  be  de- 
ported by  order  and  removed  into  the  country.  Per- 
sons deported  will  be  sent  to  the  interior  of  the  oc- 
cupied territory  in  France,  far  behind  the  front, 
where  they  will  be  employed  in  agricultural  labor, 
and  not  in  any  military  work  whatever.  By  this 
measure  they  will  be  given  the  opportunity  of  pro- 
viding better  for  their  subsistence.  .  .  . 

I  order,  therefore,  that  no  one  may,  until  further 
order,  change  his  place  of  residence.  No  one  may 
absent  himself  from  his  legally  declared  residence 
from  9  p.  m.  to  6  a.  m.  (German  time),  unless  he 
is  in  possession  of  a  permit  in  due  form. 

Inasmuch  as  this  is  an  irrevocable  measure,  it  is 
in  the  interest  of  the  population  itself  to  remain 
calm  and  obedient. 

Proclamation  of  the  Military  Commander,  Lille,  Nord, 
France,  April,  1916;  "Scraps  of  Paper,"  pp.  32-33. 

All  the  inhabitants  of  the  house,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  children  under  fourteen  and  their  moth- 
ers, and  also  of  old  people,  must  prepare  them- 
selves for  transportation  in  an  hour-and-a-half's 
time. 

An  officer  will  definitely  decide  which  persons 
will  be  taken  to  the  concentration  camps.  For  this 
purpose  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  house  must  as- 

185 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

semble  in  front  of  it.  In  case  of  bad  weather,  they 
may  remain  in  the  passage.  The  door  of  the  house 
must  remain  open.  All  appeals  will  be  useless. 
No  inmate  of  the  house,  even  those  who  are  not  to 
be  transported,  may  leave  the  house  before  8  a.  m. 
(German  time). 

Each  person  will  have  a  right  to  30  kilograms  of 
luggage;  if  anyone's  luggage  exceeds  that  weight, 
it  will  all  be  rejected  without  further  considera- 
tion. Packages  must  be  separately  made  up  for 
each  person  and  must  bear  an  address  legibly  writ- 
ten and  firmly  fixed  on.  This  address  must  include 
the  surname  and  the  Christian  name,  and  the  num- 
ber of  the  identity  card. 

It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  people  should  pro- 
vide themselves  in  their  own  interest  with  eating 
and  drinking  utensils,  as  well  as  with  a  woolen 
blanket,  strong  shoes  and  linen.  Everyone  must 
carry  his  identity  card  on  his  person.  Anyone 
attempting  to  evade  transportation  will  be  pun- 
ished without  pity. 

Notice  from  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Communi- 
cations Depot,  Lille,  April,  1916;  "Scraps  of  Paper,"  pp. 
34-35- 

Order  to  kill  prisoners 

Beginning  with  today,  no  more  prisoners  are 
to  be  taken.  All  prisoners  are  to  be  put  to  death. 
The  wounded,  whether  armed  or  not,  are  to  be  put 
to  death.  Prisoners,  even  where  they  are  organ- 
ized in  large  units,  are  to  be  put  to  death.  No 
living  man  is  to  remain  behind  us. 

Order  of  the  day,  issued  by  Gen.  Stenger,  commander 
186 


UTTERANCES  OF  SOLDIERS 

of  the  58th  brigade,  August  26,  1914;  "J"§f^s  par  eux- 
memes,"  p.  85.  The  editor  of  this  compilation  adds: 
"This  order  was  carried  out.  Examination  of  German 
prisoners  belonging  to  this  brigade  showed  that  many- 
wounded  Frenchmen  had  been  clubbed  to  death  with 
rifle-butts." 

II.    SOLDIERS'  DIARIES  AND  LETTERS 


Slaughterings  and  burnings 

The  inhabitants  had  fled  into  the  village.  It  was 
a  fearful  sight.  Blood  sticking  on  all  the  build- 
ings; and  what  faces  one  saw!  all  looking  hideous. 
All  the  dead,  sixty  in  all,  were  buried  at  once. 
Many  old  women,  fathers  of  families,  and  one  wom- 
an about  to  be  delivered — all  horrible  to  behold. 
Three  children  had  thrown  their  arms  about  one 
another  and  were  dead.  Altar  thrown  down  and 
ceilings  fallen  in.  All  because  of  telephone  con- 
nections with  the  enemy.  And  this  morning,  Sep- 
tember 2,  all  the  inhabitants  were  driven  out;  I 
saw  four  boys  carrying  a  cradle  on  two  sticks, 
with  a  baby  five  or  six  months  old.  Terrible  to 
watch  all  this.  Shot  on  shot,  thunder  on  thunder ! 
Everything  looted.  .  .  .  Mother  with  her  two  chil- 
dren ;  one  of  them  had  a  big  gash  on  his  head  and 
an  eye  out.  .  .  . 

Paul  Spielman,  First  Infantry  Brigade  of  the  Prus- 
sian Guards,  Reserve  Battalion,  First  Company;  Sept.  i, 
1914,  in  a  village  near  Blamont,  Meurthe  et  Moselle, 
France.  See  Joseph  Bedier,  *'Les  crimes  allemands  d'apres 
des  temoignages  allemands"  (1915),  pp.  7,  8.  In  this 
pamphlet  and  in  a  second  collection  edited  by  Bedier, 

187 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

"Comment  TAllemagne  essaie  de  justifier  ses  crimes,"  the 
original  German  texts  are  given,  with  photographic  fac- 
similes. ^ 

September  3.  Creil  [Oise,  France].  Iron  bridge 
blown  up.  For  this,  streets  set  on  fire,  civilians 
shot. 

Unsigned  notebook  of  a  soldier  of  the  32d  Reserve 
Infantry,  Fourth  Reserve  Corps;  Bedier,  ibid.,  p.  9. 

Sept.  3,  1914.  Frightful  carnage  (Blutbad) ;  vil- 
lage burned  down,  the  French  thrown  into  the  burn- 
ing houses,  civilians,  everything  burned  together. 

Hassemer,  Eighth  Corps,  at  Sommepy  (Mame, 
France) ;  Bedier,  ibid,,  p.  10. 

Last  night,  at  10  o'clock,  the  First  Battalion  of 
the  178th  entered  the  burned  village  north  of 
Dinant  [Belgium].  A  sad  and  yet  beautiful  sight 
that  made  one  shiver.  Right  at  the  entrance  lay 
about  fifty  citizens,  shot  for  having  fired  fromi 
ambush  upon  our  troops.  In  the  course  of  the 
night  many  more  were  shot,  so  that  we  could  count 
more  than  two  hundred.  Women  and  children, 
with  lamps  in  their  hands,  were  forced  to  witness 
the  horrible  spectacle.  We  then  ate  our  rice  among 
the  corpses;  we  had  eaten  nothing  since  morning. 

Philipp  (Kamenz,  Saxony),  178th  Regiment,  First 
Battalion,  First  Company;  Bedier,  ibid.,  p.  12. 

Langeviller  [August]  22.  Village  destroyed  by 
the  nth  Pioneers.  Three  women  hanged  to  trees. 
[A  week  later.]     So  we  have  destroyed  eight  houses 


UTTERANCES  OF  SOLDIERS 

with  their  inmates.  Out  of  one  house  alone,  two 
men  with  their  wives  and  an  eighteen-year-old 
girl  were  bayoneted.  The  girl  made  me  feel  badly, 
she  gave  such  an  innocent  look;  but  nothing  could 
be  done  against  the  excited  crowd,  for  at  such  times  ) 
they  are  not  men  but  beasts. 

Unsigned  notebook  of  a  soldier,  pp.  i,  lo;  Bedier,  ibid., 
pp.  15,  17. 

Orchies  [Nord,  France.]  All  the  civilians  were 
arrested.  A  woman  was  shot  because  she  did  not 
stop  at  the  cry  "Halt!"  but  tried  to  run  away. 
After  this,  burning  of  the  whole  village. 

Unsigned  notebook  of  a  soldier;  Bedier,  ibid.,  p.  18. 

Aug.  25  [in  Belgium].  From  the  town  300  were  ; 
shot.  Those  who  survived  the  volley  were  forced 
to  act  as  grave-diggers.  The  women  were  a  sight; 
but  there  is  no  other  way.  In  our  march  of  pur- 
suit to  Wilot  things  went  better;  the  inhabitants 
who  wished  to  leave  were  permitted  to  go  where 
they  pleased.  But  those  who  fired  were  shot.  As 
we  marched  out  of  Owele  there  were  rifle  shots ;  and 
then  there  was  fire — women  and  everything. 

Reservist  Schlauter,  Third  Battery,  Fourth  Field  Ar- 
tillery of  the  Guard;  Bedier,  ibid.,  p.  19. 

Parie*  the  first  village  burned ;  then  there  was  no 
stopping  (dann  ging's  los) ;  one  village  after  the 
other  in  flames.  We  rode  on  our  wheels  .  .  .  till 
we  reached  a  ditch  .  .  .  where  we  ate  cherries. 

Sebastian  Reisshaupt,  Third  Bavarian  Infantry,  First 
Bavarian  Corps;  Bedier,  ibid.,  p.  22. 

*Parux,  Meurthe  et  Moselle,  France. 
189 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

(Incendiary)  bombs  thrown  into  the  houses.  In 
the  evening  military  chorus:  "Nun  danket  alle  Gott!" 

Moritz  Grosse,  177th  Infantry,  describing  the  sacking 
of  Dinant,  Belgium;  Bedier,  ihid.,  p.  26. 


Civilians  as  fire  screens 

We  have  arrested  three  more  civilians,  and  a 
good  idea  occurs  to  me.  They  are  set  on  chairs 
and  made  to  understand  that  they  are  to  sit  in  the 
middle  of  the  street.  Wringing  of  hands  and  sup- 
plications on  the  one  side,  a  few  blows  with  rifle- 
butts  on  the  other.  Little  by  little  one  becomes 
frightfully  hardened.  Finally  they  are  seated  out- 
side, in  the  street.  How  many  prayers  they  ejac- 
ulated, I  do  not  know;  but  all  the  time  their  hands 
were  folded  convulsively.  However  sorry  I  am 
for  them,  the  device  helps  us,  and  at  once.  The 
firing  on  our  flank  from  the  houses  ceases  instantly; 
we  can  now  occupy  the  opposite  houses  and  are 
thus  masters  of  the  main  street.  Now,  whoever 
shows  himself  in  the  main  street  is  shot  down. 
Meanwhile,  the  artillery  has  also  worked  briskly, 
and  when,  towards  seven  in  the  evening,  the  bri- 
gade advances  to  storm  the  city  and  rescue  us,  I 
am  able  to  report:  "St.  Die  is  clear  of  enemies." 

As  I  heard  later,  the  regiment  of  reserves  which 
forced  its  way  into  St.-Die  further  north  had  quite 
similar  experiences.  Their  four  civilians,  whom 
they  had  likewise  made  to  sit  in  the  street,  were, 
however,  shot  by  the  French.  I  myself  saw  them 
lying  in  the  middle  of  the  street,  near  the  hospital. 

A.  Eberlein,  Bavarian  first  lieutenant  in  "Miinchener 
190 


UTTERANCES  OF  SOLDIERS 
Neueste  Nachrichten,"  Oct.  7,  1914;  Bedier,  ibid.,  pp.  20, 


21. 


"A  day  of  honor  for  our  regiment" 

Under  this  title  appeared,  in  the  "J^uersches  Tageblatt" 
(Silesia),  Oct.  18,  1914,  an  article  contributed  by  Under- 
Officer  Klemt,  First  Company,  154th  Infantry  Regiment. 
It  tells  of  a  fight  in  which  his  regiment  took  part,  Sept. 
24,  1914.  After  leaving  Hannonville  in  the  morning, 
supported  in  its  advance  by  Austrian  batteries,  the  regi- 
ment was  suddenly  met  by  artillery  and  infantry  fire. 
It  suffered  heavy  losses;  but  the  enemy  was  invisible. 
At  last,  the  writer  says,  it  was  seen  that  the  bullets 
came  from  trees  into  which  French  soldiers  had  climbed. 

.  .  .  They  are  shot  down  from  the  trees  like  squir- 
rels, and  below  they  are  warmly  greeted  with  rifle-butts 
and  side-arms;  they  need  no  surgeons;  we  are  no 
longer  fighting  honorable  enemies,  but  treacherous 
bandits.  Through  a  clearing  on  the  jump — there, 
see!  they  are  hiding  in  the  hedge;  up  and  at  them! 
No  quarter  is  given.  We  shoot  standing,  with  free 
hands;  at  the  most  a  few  fire  kneeling;  there  is  no 
thought  of  cover.  We  come  to  a  hollow  where  dead 
and  wounded  red-breeches  are  lying  about  in  heaps ; 
the  wounded  are  hammered  or  stabbed,  because 
we  know  that  these  scoundrels  will  shoot  us  from 
behind  as  soon  as  we  pass  them.  There  lies 
stretched  out,  face  to  the  ground,  a  Frenchman, 
but  he  is  only  shamming  dead.  The  kick  of  a 
sturdy  musketeer  tells  him  that  we  are  there.  Turn- 
ing over,  he  calls  for  quarter,  but  he  is  told  that 
he  needs  a  dose  of  French  medicine  and  is  pinned 

191 


I, 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

to  the  earth.  A  weird  noise  near  me  comes  from 
blows  that  a  soldier  of  the  154th  is  raining  upon  the 
bald  head  of  a  Frenchman  with  a  clubbed  rifle. 
Very  wisely  he  has  appropriated  for  this  piece  of 
work  the  Frenchman's  gun,  for  fear  of  breaking 
his  own.  Very  soft-hearted  men  put  the  French 
wounded  out  of  their  misery  with  bullets ;  the  others 
hew  and  stab  whenever  they  can.  Our  opponents 
fought  bravely;  we  had  choice  troops  before  us; 
they  let  us  come  within  thirty,  within  ten  yards — 
but  then  of  course  it  was  too  late.  Quantities  of 
abandoned  knapsacks  and  weapons  give  proof  of 
their  desire  to  flee ;  but  at  the  sight  of  the  field-gray 
"monsters"  terror  lamed  their  feet  and  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  narrow  footway  the  German  bullets  called 
a  halt.  At  the  entrance  of  their  leafy  shelter  huts 
they  lie,  whining  for  mercy;  but  whether  they  are 
slightly  or  mortally  wounded,  our  brave  musketeers 
save  the  Fatherland  the  costly  care  of  numerous 
enemies.  .  .  . 

The  writer  then  reports  that  his  Royal  Highness  Prince 
Oscar  of  Prussia,  learning  of  the  feats  performed  by 
the  154th  and  the  regiment  of  grenadiers  brigaded  with 
it,  declared  them  to  be  worthy  of  the  name  of  "King's 
Brigade."  The  narrative  of  the  fight  ends  with  these 
words : 

With  a  thankful  prayer  on  our  lips,  we  fell  asleep, 
awaiting  the  coming  day. 

Having  added  a  few  verses  entitled  "Heimkehr  vom 
Kampf,"  Under  Officer  Klemt  obtains  the  following  at- 
testation :  "Above  statements  confirmed.  De  Niem,  Lieu- 
tenant in  command  of  the  company."  Bedier,  ibid.,  pp.  31 
et  seq. 

192 


UTTERANCES  OF  SOLDIERS 

"Something  in  what  is  said  about  German  bar- 
barians" 

Courcy,  north  of  Rheims,  Oct.  22.  We  are  lying 
here  on  the  lawn,  in  the  garden  of  the  owner 
of  the  glass-factory,  whose  house,  at  present,  har- 
bors our  regimental  staff  in  its  cellar.  The  village 
and  the  workingmen's  houses  here  are  thoroughly 
looted  and  ruined.  Atrocious!  After  all,  there  is 
something  in  what  is  said  about  German  bar- 
barians. 

Z ,  78th  Infantry  Regiment  (East  Frisian),  Tenth 

Corps;  Bedier,  "Comment  TAUemagne  essaie  de  justifier 
ses  crimes,"  p.  25. 

More  slaughterings  and  burnings 

(Spontin,  Belgium,  Aug.  23.)  A  company  from 
the  107th  and  one  from  the  133d  were  ordered  back 
to  search  the  village,  to  arrest  the  inhabitants  and 
to  burn  the  houses.  On  the  right-hand  side  of 
the  entrance  to  the  village  lay  two  young  girls, 
one  dead,  one  seriously  wounded.  The  priest  also 
had  been  shot  in  front  of  the  railroad  station.  Thir- 
ty men  were  shot  according  to  martial  law,  and 
fifty  others  taken  prisoners. 

Max  Thomas,  107th  (Eighth  Saxon)  Infantry  Regi- 
ment, 19th  Army  Corps;  Bedier,  ihid.,  p.  35. 

(August  12;  in  Belgium.)  One  gets  some  idea 
of  the  fury  of  the  soldiers,  when  one  sees  the  de- 
stroyed villages.  Not  a  single  house  left  whole! 
Everything  eatable  requisitioned  by  individual  sol- 
diers.    Many  heaps  of  human  beings  to  be  seen, 

193 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

executed  by  martial  law!  Little  pigs  were  running 
around  looking  for  their  mothers.  Dogs  lay 
chained,  and  had  nothing  to  eat  or  drink,  and  over 
them  the  houses  were  burning. 

Hand  in  hand  with  the  just  wrath  of  our  sol- 
diers goes  also  pure  vandalism.  In  wholly  de- 
serted villages  they  set  the  red  cock  on  the  roofs 
without  rhyme  or  reason.  I  pity  the  inhabitants. 
Even  if  they  use  unfair  weapons,  after  all  they  are 
only  defending  their  country.  .  .  . 

Paul  Glode,  Ninth  Pioneer  Battalion,  Ninth  Corps; 
Bedier,  ibid.,  pp.  39-40. 

No  quarter  to  Turcos  nor  to  English 

No  quarter  is  to  be  given  to  wounded  Turcos. 
Vice-Feldwebel  Bruchmann,   144th  Infantry  Regiment, 
i6th  corps;  Bedier,  ibid.,  p.  44. 

The  captain  called  us  about  him  and  said:  "In 
the  fort  that  is  to  be  taken  there  are,  in  all  proba- 
bility. Englishmen.  I  do  not  wish  to  see  a  single 
English  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  company." 

A  general  shout  of  assent  was  the  response. 

Under-Officer  Gottsche,  85th  Infantry  Regiment,  Ninth 
Army  Corps;  Bedier,  ibid.,  p.  44. 

Orders  to  kill  wounded  enemies 

There  they  were  lying  in  heaps,  eight  or  ten 
wounded  or  dead,  one  on  top  of  the  other.  Those 
who  were  able  to  walk  were  made  prisoners  and 
taken  along;  those  who  were  seriously  wounded, 
who  had  a  shot  in  the  head  or  in  the  lungs,  etc.  .  .  . 

194 


UTTERANCES  OF  SOLDIERS 

and  were  not  able  to  get  up,  received  more  bullets 
to  finish  them.    These  were  our  orders. 

Reservist    Fahlenstein,    34th    Fusileers,    Second   Army 
Corps;  Bedier,  ibid.,  p.  45. 


Priests  and  women 

It  is  for  me  a  mad  joy  when  we  can  revenge  our- 
selves on  these  rascally  Belgian  and  French  priests ! 

Reservist  Richard  Gerhold;  cited  by  T.  de  Wyzewa  in 
"Revue  des  deux  Mondes,"  May  3,  1915. 

I  am  sending  you  a  bracelet  made  out  of  a  piece 
of  a  shell.  This  will  be  a  fine  souvenir  of  a  Ger- 
man warrior,  who  has  gone  through  the  whole 
campaign  and  has  killed  heaps  of  Frenchmen.  I 
have  also  bayoneted  a  good  number  of  women. 
During  the  battle  of  Budonwiller,  I  did  away  with 
four  women  and  seven  young  girls  in  five  min- 
utes. The  captain  had  told  me  to  shoot  these 
French  sows,  but  I  preferred  to  run  my  bayonet 
through  them. 

Letter  dated  Peronne,  March  16,  1915,  from  a  Bavarian 
soldier,  Johann  Wenger,  to  his  betrothed;  cited  by  T.  de 
Wyzewa,  ibid. 

Devastation 

To  give  you  a  picture  of  our  situation  I  will  go 
back  in  my  mind  a  few  days  to  Trescault.  It  is 
8  p.  m.  Our  company  has  just  returned  from  trench 
digging.  A  beautiful  scene  is  presented  to  our 
eyes.  A  little  later  there  suddenly  arise  flames 
and  Trescault  is  doomed  to  destruction.     Every- 

195 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

where  explosions  are  heard  and  the  terrific  heat 
reaches  us.  Then  we,  too,  are  seized  with  the  mad- 
ness of  destruction  and  set  fire  to  everything.  All 
Trescault  is  in  flames,  and  a  marvelous  spectacle, 
one  which  I  shall  never  forget,  meets  the  eye. 

On  a  little  hill  stands  a  wonderful  castle,  spared 
by  us  till  the  last  moment  because  we  are  quartered 
there.  But  the  castle  must  go,  too,  and  quickly  the 
flames  envelop  it.  Where  before  were  peaceful 
people  and  a  flourishing  village  is  now  a  heap  of 
ruins.  Far  indeed  did  the  destructive  fury  of  the 
230th  extend,  and  we  can  scarcely  be  looked  upon 
as  soldiers.  When  we  are  up  at  the  front,  it  is  as  if 
we  were  the  greatest  criminals.  Thus  it  is  we  do 
our  work  of  destruction  in  France.  Picture  to  your- 
self how  we  live  now,  not  like  men,  but  like  beasts. 
Far  and  wide  there  are  no  trenches,  only  bare  fields 
and  stumps  of  trees  growing  where  once  man 
plowed  his  field  and  worked  for  wife  and  child. 
That  is  our  retirement  and  our  part  in  it.  My  mind 
cannot  dispel  the  thought  that  I  shall  not  return. 

Extract  from  a  letter  found  on  a  captured  German 
soldier,  cited  by  Philip  Gibbs  in  a  dispatch  published  in 
the  "New  York  Times,"  April  18,  1917. 


CHAPTER   X 
UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

I.    LATIN  AMERICA 

German  emigrants  and  German  exports 

What  the  United  States  intends  to  prevent — and 
what  perhaps  it  will  hinder  even  by  the  use  of 
force,  up  to  a  certain  point — is  the  acquisition  of 
territory  in  America  by  a  European  Power,  were 
it  only  in  the  southern  half  of  the  hemisphere.  For 
that  very  reason  it  will  be  much  more  difficult  for 
the  United  States  to  prevent  the  establishment  be- 
tween South  America  and  Germany  of  peaceful 
economic  relations,  entirely  divested  of  any  political 
character. 

In  order  to  demonstrate  how  we  shall  be  able 
to  undertake  an  enterprise  worth  while,  despite  our 
inability  to  found  colonies  by  immigration,  let  us 
stress  a  fact  unshakable  in  theory  and  in  practice. 
Such  territories,  whether  they  belong  to  us  polit- 
ically or  are  foreign  soil,  can  be  financially  valu- 
able to  us  only  if  they  are  inhabited  by  a  popula- 
tion able  and  willing  to  buy  from  us.  In  other 
words,  everything  depends  upon  whether  the  coun- 
try itself  has  the  ability  to  produce,  and  to  produce 
to  an  extent  worth  while.    So  much  postulated,  the 

197 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

subsequent  progress  of  the  development  which  we 
have  in  mind  to  create  in  South  America  is  not 
difficult  to  outline.  We  must  entirely  sever  polit- 
ical connection  between  our  emigrants  in  Brazil 
and  in  the  neighboring  southern  countries  and  the 
German  Empire.  From  the  instant  they  set  foot 
upon  the  soil  of  the  New  World,  it  is  absolutely 
necessary  that  they  should  feel,  without  reserva- 
tion, as  Brazilians,  Argentinians,  etc.  .  .  . 

...  The  object  toward  which  our  efforts  must 
tend  is  to  establish  particularly  close  economic  re- 
lations between  the  Fatherland  and  our  emigrants 
in  the  New  World — relations  of  such  sort  that  the 
markets  of  the  metropolis  shall  receive  preference 
in  the  exports  of  its  expatriated  citizens,  while  they 
provide  themselves  with  all  necessities  from  the 
manufactured  goods  of  the  Fatherland.  Natural- 
ly, relations  of  this  nature  can  have  solidarity  and 
permanence  and  be  really  profitable  to  both  parties 
only  if  sentiment  is  eliminated  from  such  recipro- 
cal relations,  and  if  on  both  sides  the  economic  ad- 
vantage becomes  essentially  the  preponderant  point 
of  view.  We  should  not  expect  to  buy  goods  from 
German  Brazilians  and  from  German  Americans, 
any  more  than  they  should  expect  to  buy  from  us, 
solely  on  the  ground  that  a  national  affinity  exists 
between  us,  and  that  this  entails  a  semblance  of 
moral  obligation ;  for  this  national  relationship  will 
furnish  only  a  material  and  positive  basis  for  the 
establishment  of  practical  relations,  such  as  exist 
in  economic  matters  between  England  and  her  self- 
governing  colonies.  Because  these  emigrants  are 
Germans  who  speak  German,  who  will  have  Ger- 

198 


UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

man  tastes  and  economic  needs,  because  the  basis 
of  their  character  is  German,  trade  with  us  will 
naturally  possess  an  attraction  for  them,  despite 
the  attempts  which  the  English  and  the  Americans 
may  make  to  win  it.  We  shall  have  to  commit  on 
our  side  grave  faults  indeed,  if  this  natural  advan- 
tage does  not  directly  transform  itself  into  an  eco- 
nomic superiority  as  compared  with  non-German 
efforts.  Today,  however  (191 1),  our  activity  is 
far  from  adequate  for  developing  trade  with  the 
German  colonies  which  exist  in  South  Amer- 
ica. .  .  . 

What  can  and  what  should  we  do  to  spread  germs 
of  economic  development  so  full  of  promise  and  to 
render  them  as  useful  to  the  Fatherland  as  to  the 
Germans  of  Brazil?  The  first  condition  we  have 
already  indicated:  foster  German  emigration  to 
southern  Brazil.  Every  German  emigrant,  whether 
born  in  the  country  or  in  the  city,  whether  an  arti- 
san or  of  any  other  class,  who  succeeds  in  obtain- 
ing across  the  seas  ownership  of  a  piece  of  land 
and  in  clearing  the  soil,  represents  after  a  certain 
number  of  years  a  capacity  for  absorbing  goods 
that  is  vastly  greater  than  he  ever  possessed  in  the 
home  country,  where  he  led  a  relatively  simple  life 
in  a  very  restricted  environment.  This  manifold 
increase  of  his  opportunities  for  consumption  and 
of  his  capacity  for  the  absorption  of  the  products 
of  European  manufacture  can  and  should  be  utilized 
for  the  economic  life  of  Germany.  ... 

Beyond  doubt  this  demands  collaboration  on  a 
wide  and  methodical  scale  between  the  Empire,  the 
German  States,  public  opinion  and  the  emigration 

199 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

societies.  We  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that 
despite  all  our  sincerity  and  loyalty — which  we  are 
disposed  to  maintain  and  which,  from  the  point  of 
view  of  foreign  politics,  we  must  not  fail  to  ob- 
serve— the  distrust  and  dislike  which  appear,  con- 
sciously or  unconsciously,  in  particular  among  the 
North  Americans  and  the  English,  will  sow  diffi- 
culties in  the  way  of  the  realization  of  such  a 
scheme.  But  difficulties  must  not  cause  German 
policy  to  recoil  in  fright,  but  to  surge  forward  and 
surmount  them. 

Paul  Rohrbach,  "Deutschland  unter  den  Weltvolkern" 
(1911),  pp.  394-396,  400-401. 

How  to  extend  German  influence  in  Brazil 

I  suggest  the  following  program  of  action  for 
the  immediate  development  of  German  interests  in 
Brazil.  So  far  as  northern  Brazil  is  concerned,  the 
extension  of  German  steamship  traffic  on  the  Ama- 
zon, with  home  ports  at  Para  and  Manaos,  and  the 
creation  of  branch  German  banks  at  Para.  For 
central  Brazil,  the  gradual  building  of  steamships 
sufficiently  large  and  swift  to  play  a  more  consid- 
erable part  in  the  passenger  traffic  between  Eu- 
rope and  Brazil,  and  a  still  more  considerable  par- 
ticipation of  German  capital  in  industrial  enter- 
prises and  in  the  construction  of  railroads.  Above 
all,  representation  of  Germany  in  a  syndicate  which 
is  to  take  control  of  the  administration  of  the  cen- 
tral railroads.  For  southern  Brazil,  the  support  of 
the  enterprises  of  the  Hanseatic  Colonial  Society 

200 


UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

as  well  as  of  the  Colonial  Society  of  the  Northwest 
District  of  Rio  Grande.  .  ' 

Richard  Krauel,  "Deutsche  Interessen  in  Brasilien!* 
(1907),  p.  30. 

German  penetration  of  Rio  Grande  do  Sul 

Rio  Grande  do  Sul  (the  German  section  of  south- 
ern Brazil)  is  today  perhaps  the  best  administered 
State  in  South  America.  It  is  no  comic-opera 
State  governed  by  brigands;  it  is  a  country  where 
the  development  of  economic  life  and  civilization 
is,  to  be  sure,  only  in  its  beginnings,  but  it  will 
make  unexpected  progress  so  soon  as  European 
capital,  instead  of  lingering  fearfully  on  the  sill, 
shall  enter  in  at  the  door  with  the  consciousness  of 
a  definite  object  to  attain.  Certainly  the  moment 
will  come.  That  is  why  we  must  understand  what 
we  must  do,  not  only  to  maintain  our  position  in  the 
Rio  Grande  but  also  to  extend  it.  That  is  possible 
only  by  the  importation  of  capital  and  labor.  .  .  . 
Rio  Grande  do  Sul  must  become  a  domain  for  Ger- 
man capital  and  German  emigrants.  We  have  the 
historical  right  as  well  as  the  power,  and  no  one  can 
suspect  us  of  ulterior  motives  in  this  State  so  long 
as  we  do  not  allow  ourselves  to  entertain  political 
aspirations. 

Alfred  Funke,  "Die  Besiedlung  des  ostlichen  Siid- 
Amerika'*  (1903),  p.  64. 

German  culture  in  Latin  America 

"What  is  to  be  done?"  said  Jupiter.  "The  world 
is   already  staked  out,"  repeats  the  short-sighted 

201 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

German  Philistine  even  today ;  but  he  who  has  seen 
with  his  own  eyes  what  German  skill,  German  per- 
severance and  the  spirit  of  German  enterprise  have 
done  in  an  almost  abandoned  corner  of  the  world, 
feels  his  heart  beat  at  the  thought  that  this  work 
of  colonization  may  be  lost  to  our  nationality  after 
a  lapse  of  fifty  years,  that  this  island  of  German 
culture,  like  many  another,  may  be  submerged  by 
the  waves  of  a  foreign  nationality.  .  .  . 

-These  considerations  and  reflections  throw  into 
perspective  the  lofty  and  splendid  mission  of  Ger- 
man culture  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese  America, 
the  grandiose  moral  conquests  which  the  Germans 
are  about  to  make  in  these  splendid  countries,  if 
they  will  only  comprehend  their  mission.  While 
the  English  and  the  Yankees,  because  of  their  cold 
and  reserved  character,  are  in  general  unsympa- 
thetic with  the  natives,  while  the  French  even  in 
the  70's  were  the  guides  and  undoubted  models  of 
these  peoples  in  the  path  which  led  toward  superior 
culture — a  position  which,  by  the  way,  they  have 
in  the  main  lost  because  of  their  lack  of  numerical 
strength  and  the  general  corruption  into  which  they 
have  repeatedly  fallen — the  Germans  have  been 
called,  by  reason  of  their  natural  qualities  and  their 
achievements,  to  become  the  preceptors  and  guides 
of  these  nations  in  intellectual,  economic  and  polit- 
ical affairs. 

The  sad  political  and  financial  conditions  which 
have  brought  such  extremely  rich  countries  to  ruili 
and  misery,  through  revolution,  through  incom- 
petent economic  methods,  through  villainy  and  cor- 
ruption, proclaim  imperiously  the  need  of  a  remedy 

202 


UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

in  the  honesty  and  intelligence  of  the  Germans, 
which  must  make  itself  felt  first  of  all  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  cities,  then  in  that  of  the  prov- 
inces, and  lastly  in  the  State  at  large.  In  the  do- 
main of  education  and  of  science  the  Germans  can 
play  through  their  professors  and  scientists,  as  in 
Chili,  an  extraordinary  and  suggestive  part,  and 
contribute  a  very  large  share  to  the  progress,  quiet, 
assured  and  permanent,  virhich  these  people  will 
make.  .  .  . 

If  the  Germans  do  not  succeed  in  this  mission, 
financial  and  political  bankruptcy  will  soonei*  or 
later  cause  the  countries  of  Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese America  to  be  entirely  exploited  and  dom- 
inated by  the  United  States.  Since  the  seizure 
of  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines,  the 
fear  of  such  an  eventuality  has  penetrated  all 
these  countries  and  renders  them  less  and  less 
likely  to  object  to  a  moral  conquest  by  the  Ger- 
mans. 

Johannes  Unold,  "Das  Deutschtum  in  Chili,"  pp.  4,  (i'jy 
et  seq. 

Bright  German  spots  in  a  dark  picture 

The  German  settlements  in  southern  Brazil  and 
in  Uruguay  are  the  only  bright  spots  in  the  dark 
picture  of  South  American  civilization.  Five  hun- 
dred thousand  Germans  live  in  these  regions;  and 
it  is  to  be  hoped  that,  in  the  reorganization  of  South 
American  relations,  when  the  Indian-Latin  half- 
breeds  have  completely  ruined  themselves,  the  im- 
mense basin  of  La  Plata,  with  its  adjoining  west- 
ern, eastern  and  southern  coasts,  will  fall  into  the 

203 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

^  hands  of  the  German  people.  The  Germans  who 
have  settled  in  the  forests  of  southern  Brazil  all 
have,  like  the  Boers  of  South  Africa,  from  twelve 
to  fifteen  children  on  the  average,  so  that  the  coun- 
try's safety  is  assured  by  this  natural  increase.  It 
is  really  marvelous  that  the  German  nation  should 
not  long  ago  have  decided  to  take  possession  of 
this  territory. 

Otto  Richard  Tannenberg,  "Grossdeutschland"  (1911), 
pp.  228-229. 


German  rule  will  be  a  blessing 

.  .  .  For  the  people  of  the  Republics  that  have 
divided  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  inheritance  it 
will  be  a  blessing  to  come  under  German  author- 
ity. 

They  will  soon  become  reconciled  to  German 
rule,  and  will  be  glad  to  share  in  the  glory  of  the 
German  name  throughout  the  world. 

Tannenberg,  ibid.,  p.  230. 


Initial  control  through  treaties 

A  foresighted  policy  alone  can,  through  the  un- 
scrupulous exertion  of  every  means  at  its  com- 
mand, conclude  treaties  with  the  foreign  States 
which  need  the  influx  of  our  emigrants,  and  which 
will  consequently  end  by  yielding  to  the  conditions 
our  Government  may  judge  necessary  to  impose 
upon  them.  The  Republics  of  Argentine  and  Brazil 
and,  indeed,  probably  every  one  of  the  tatterde- 
malion Republics  of  South  America,  would  listen 

204 


i*J> 


Map  of  Latin  America,  1950 

Tannenberg,  "Grossdeutschland"  (1911),  p.  255.  It 
will  be  noted  that  the  United  States  holds  all  Central 
America  and  the  northern  part  of  South  America.  Great 
Britain  holds  the  valley  of  the  Amazon  and  all  the  cen- 
tral districts  from  ocean  to  ocean.  The  Pan-Germanists 
are  content  to  take  those  regions  only  that  lie  within  the 
temperate  climatic  zone,  in  the  southern  third  of  South 
America. 

205 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

to    reason    and    give    way,    willingly    or    unwill- 
ingly. 

Lange,  "Reines  Deutschtum,"  p.  208. 

Teutonization  of  Latin  America 

Not  only  North  America,  but  all  America  must 
be  a  bulwark  of  Teutonic  culture,  perhaps  the 
mightiest  bulwark  of  the  Teutonic  races.  South 
America  must  also  and  may  easily  become  a  home 
of  new,  free  Teutonic-Teutonoid  races.  Teutonic 
States !  Resettlement  of  the  territory  by  people  of 
Teutonic  stock;  removal  of  the  non-Teutonic  in- 
habitants to  reservations,  or,  best,  of  all,  to  Africa. 
.  .  .  Retention  of  Teutonoid-Latins  in  South  Amer- 
ica, in  so  far  as  they  are  physically,  mentally  and 
morally  sound,  and  are  declared  available  by  a 
commission  of  anthropologists,  physicians,  artists 
and  teachers. 

Klaus  Wagner,  "Krieg,"  pp.  165-166. 

Germans  take  the  Monroe  Doctrine  too  seriously 

This  and  the  two  following  extracts,  as  will  be  noted, 
are  utterances  subsequent  to  the  outbreak  of  the  World 
War. 

A  portion  of  our  public  opinion  is  much  too  cow- 
ardly as  regards  America.  The  fact  that  the  United 
States  asserts  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  practically 
warns  us  Europeans  out  of  America  does  not  mean 
that  we  must  submit  to  this  doctrine.  If  for  the 
most  part  we  do  so,  this  is  due  to  European  dis- 
unity, which  makes  it  possible  for  the  United  States 
to  fish  in  muddy  water.  ...  As  I  have  explained 

206 


UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

before,  there  can  be  no  question  for  us  of  political 
conquests  in  America,  but  there  certainly  is  a 
question  of  economic  and  cultural  activity. 

Alfred  Hettner,  "Die  Ziele  unserer  Weltpolitik,"  in 
series  entitled  "Der  deutsche  Krieg,"  no.  64  (1915),  p. 
25. 


A  disclaimer  and  a  confession 

The  war  is  not  yet  decided,  but  we  know  that  it 
must  end  with  our  victory.  .  .  .  We  also  know, 
however,  that  the  number  of  our  enemies  is  great 
enough,  and  will  remain  great  enough  even  after 
the  war,  to  induce  us  to  avoid  everything  that  would 
unnecessarily  arouse  new  enemies  against  us.  And 
no  necessity  forces  us  to  direct  our  purposes  of 
conquest  toward  America,  either  toward  the  North 
or  toward  the  South.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  We  have  not  the  least  sympathy  with  polit- 
ical Utopias,  the  worst  of  which  would  be  the  no- 
tion of  an  expedition  of  conquest  against  South  and 
North  America.  In  order  to  remove  from  the  start 
any  question  as  to  the  credibility  of  our  assur- 
ances, we  admit  that  at  times  in  our  country  na- 
tionalistic covetousness  has  extended  itself  to  South 
America.  .  .  . 

Karl  Mehrmann,  "Grossdeutschland"   (1915),  p.  7. 


Hopes  deferred,  not  abandoned 

It  is  difficult  to  judge  the  future.     Undoubtedly 
the  time  for  exclusive  German  colonization  in  South 

207 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

America  has  gone  by,  for  most  of  the  States  now 
follow  the  North  American  plan  of  endeavoring  to 
assimilate  immigrants  as  quickly  as  possible  with 
the  generalized  national  type  and  to  induce  them  to 
abandon  their  original  language  and  character- 
istics. 

The  writer  goes  on  to  urge  that  no  obstacle  be  opposed 
to  emigration  from  Germany  to  South  America  and  that 
political  as  well  as  economic  support  be  given  to  the 
Germans  already  there.  He  still  believes  that  Latin 
America  offers  great  opportunities  to  German  enterprise. 

South  America  .  .  .  much  more  than  North 
America,  will  be  for  us  in  the  twentieth  century 
the  land  of  economic  future  and  unlimited  possi- 
bilities. 

Dr.  Siegfried  Benignus,  cited  in  cable  dispatch  from 
Berlin  via  London  to  the  "New  York  Times,"  dated  June 
8,  1917. 


II.    THE  UNITED  STATES 


The  outlook  for  American  civilization 

It  is  hardly  conceivable  that  in  the  former  British 
colonies  in  America  any  civilization  can  be  pro- 
duced that  will  stand  morally  [sicf]  on  the  same 
plane  with  the  old  civilization  of  Europe.  Up  to 
the  present  time  this  hope  of  Washington  has  re- 
mained unfulfilled. 

Treitschke,  "Politik,"  vol.  i,  p.  121. 
208 


UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

Irish  rabbits 

The  English,  who  are  an  aristocratic  race,  in- 
crease indeed  with  some  rapidity,  but  much  more 
slowly  than  the  Irish.  When  in  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  two  million  people  emigrated 
from  Ireland,  the  situation  was  improved  for  a  short 
time  only ;  the  Irish  increased  again  like  rabbits  and 
after  a  few  years  had  reached  again  their  former 
numerical  strength.  In  North  America,  too,  there 
is  an  immense  increase  of  the  Irish  element.  A  less 
noble  race,  forcing  its  way  into  a  finer  civilization 
and  constantly  gaining  more  ground  by  mere 
physical  power — this  is  an  uncanny  phenom- 
enon. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  229. 


Lost  Germans 

The  assertion  that  the  emigration  of  Germans  to 
America  is  an  advantage  for  us  is  simple  folly. 
What  has  Germany  gained  by  the  fact  that  thou- 
sands of  its  best  sons  who  were  unable  to  gain  their 
living  at  home  have  turned  their  backs  upon  the 
Fatherland?  For  it  they  are  lost  forever.  If  per- 
haps an  emigrant  himself  remains  attached  to  his 
old  home  by  some  natural  ties,  his  children  as  a 
rule  cease  to  be  Germans ;  at  all  events,  this  is  true 
of  his  grandchildren ;  for  the  German  learns  all  too 
easily  to  deny  his  Fatherland.  .  .  .  Almost  one- 
third  of  the  population  of  North  America  is  of 
German  origin  [sic!].  What  precious  forces  we 
have  lost  and  are  daily  losing  through  this  emi- 

209 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

gration,   without   receiving   the   slightest   compen- 
sation. 

Treitschke,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  pp.  123-124. 

Uses  af  the  German  and  Irish  elements 

The  further  duty  of  supporting  the  Germans  in 
foreign  countries  in  their  struggle  for  existence,  and 
of  thus  keeping  them  loyal  to  their  nationality,  is 
one  from  which,  in  our  direct  interests,  we  cannot 
withdraw.  The  isolated  groups  of  Germans  abroad 
greatly  benefit  our  trade,  since  by  preference  they 
obtain  their  goods  from  Germany;  but  they  may 
also  be  useful  to  us  politically,  as  we  discover  in 
America.  The  American-Germans  have  formed  a 
political  alliance  with  the  Irish,  and  thus  united, 
constitute  a  power  in  the  State,  with  which  the 
Government  must  reckon.  .  .  . 

For  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  the  Anglo-American 
negotiations  about  arbitration  courts  would  defi- 
nitely end  in  an  alliance  against  Germany.  There 
has,  at  any  rate,  been  a  great  and  widespread  agi- 
tation against  us  in  the  United  States.  The  Amer- 
icans of  German  and  Irish  stock  resolutely  opposed 
it,  and  it  is  reasonable  to  assume  that  the  anti- 
German  movement  in  the  United  States  was  a  pass- 
ing phase,  with  no  real  foundation  in  the  nature  of 
things. 

Bernhardi,  "Germany  and  the  Next  War,"  pp.  75,  98. 

A  plan  to  invade  the  United  States  (1901) 

Of  late  years  we  Germans  have  had  cause  for 
political  irritation  with  the  United  States,  due  large- 

210 


UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

ly  to  commercial  reasons.  Up  to  now  differences 
have  been  for  the  most  part  settled  through  our 
giving  way.  But  a  policy  of  surrender  must  have 
its  limits. 

The  question  for  us  to  consider  is  what  plans 
must  eventually  be  developed  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
overreachings  by  the  United  States  which  are  detri- 
mental to  our  interests.  It  is  by  armed  action  that 
we  must  ultimately  enforce  our  will  upon  that 
country. 

To  achieve  that  purpose,  our  prime  instrument  in 
this  case  is  our  Navy.  The  German  Fleet  would 
have  every  prospect  of  victoriously  encountering 
the  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  as  those  forces 
are  divided  into  two  sections  separated  by  two 
oceans  (Atlantic  and  Pacific),  which  are  a  great  dis- 
tance apart.  But  the  defeat  of  her  fleet  would  not 
compel  the  United  States  to  sue  for  immediate 
peace,  because  of  the  vastness  of  her  territory  and 
the  immensity  of  her  resources.  Indeed,  even  fur- 
ther successes  at  sea  would  not  force  America  to 
yield,  partly  because  her  commercial  ports  are  so 
well  fortified  that  we  could  not  capture  them  with- 
out heavy  losses,  and  partly  because  it  would  be 
impossible  for  our  naval  forces  to  blockade  them 
all  simultaneously. 

We  have  to  reckon  on  the  possibility  that  the 
American  fleet  would  not  at  first  risk  a  battle,  but 
would  conceal  itself  in  fortified  ports  and  wait  there 
for  some  favorable  opportunity  to  snatch  a  partial 
success. 

It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  naval  operations 
alone  would  not  suffice  to  bring  about  the  result 

211 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

which  we  desire.  What  is  needed  is  combined 
action  by  sea  and  land.  Owing  to  the  vast  area  of 
the  United  States  it  would  be  out  of  the  question 
for  an  army  to  invade  the  interior  with  a  view  to 
the  conquest  of  the  ipountry.  But  there  is  good 
reason  to  expect  that  military  operations  on  the 
Atlantic  coast  would  prove  to  be  a  victorious  en- 
terprise. Moreover,  the  cutting  off  of  the  main 
arteries  through  which  exports  from  the  entire 
country  pass  would  create  such  a  depressed  state 
of  affairs  that  the  Government  would  be  willing 
to  offer  us  fair  conditions  of  peace. 

If  a  German  squadron  were  accompanied  by  a 
fleet  of  transports  it  may  be  presumed  that,  once  a 
landing  had  begun,  it  would  only  take  four  weeks 
for  a  German  army  to  begin  their  campaign  on 
American  soil.  Within  such  a  short  period  of  time 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  United  States  would  be 
unable  to  place  in  the  field  forces  as  large  as  our 
invading  army. 

At  the  present  time  (1901)  the  regular  American 
Army  numbers  65,000  men,  of  whom  not  more  than 
30,000  would  be  actually  available  for  home  de- 
fense. Again,  of  these  troops  at  least  10,000  would 
be  required  to  defend  the  Indian  territories  and 
garrison  the  forts  on  the  coast.  So  there  would 
remain  but  20,000  regular  troops  to  take  the  field 
against  the  invaders. 

In  addition  to  the  regular  forces,  there  are  about 
100,000  militia,  but  the  greater  part  of  them  de- 
clined to  obey  the  call  to  arms  in  the  last  war. 
Further,  this  militia  is  badly  armed.  A  proportion 
of  them  still  carry  muzzle-loaders,  and  as  for  drill- 

212 


UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

ing,  that  is  even  worse  than  their  lack  of  proper 
equipment. 

Even  if  the  possibility  of  a  surprise  invasion  is 
excluded  from  consideration,  owing  to  the  length 
of  time  which  the  transport  of  an  invading  army 
would  take,  stress  must  be  laid  on  various  sources 
of  American  unpreparedness.  One  is  the  absence 
of  regular  preparation  in  peace  time  for  mobiliza- 
tion; another  is  the  inexperience  of  the  American 
General  Staff;  a  third  is  the  weakness  of  the  Reg- 
ular Army.  These  factors  in  the  situation  would 
necessarily  accelerate   German   victory. 

The  invading  army  would  have  to  be  of  consid- 
erable size,  as  it  would  be  necessary  to  provide  for 
the  lengthy  occupation  of  a  large  area  of  American 
territory,  to  defend  our  lines  of  communication,  and 
to  engage  in  a  successful  offensive  against  all  the 
forces  which  the  Americans  could  bring  up  against 
us.  Moreover,  such  operations  might  be  of  a  pro- 
tracted nature. 

Such  a  campaign  would  be  the  more  difficult  to 
conduct  owing  to  the  long  double  journey  which 
our  fleet  of  transports  would  have  to  make  in  order 
to  convey  to  America  the  requisite  number  of  troops 
from  so  far  away  a  base  as  Germany. 

Indeed  it  is  questionable  whether  it  would  be 
wise  to  occupy  for  any  prolonged  period  any  large 
portion  of  American  territory.  The  mere  fact  of 
one  or  two  of  their  States  being  invaded  would  not 
induce  the  Americans  to  ask  for  peace.  They  would, 
however,  find  themselves  obliged  to  do  so  owing 
to  the  enormous  material  loss  which  would  be  in- 
flicted upon  the  entire  country  by  our  capturing 

213 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

several  of  the  large  Atlantic  seaport  towns,  at  which 
converge  the  threads  of  the  whole  wealth  of  the 
nation. 

In  these  circumstances,  our  plan  would  be  to 
effect  a  series  of  landings  of  troops  in  close  co- 
operation with  our  Navy.  We  should,  within  a 
short  space  of  time,  be  in  a  position  to  seize  several 
wealthy  cities.  Such  towns  would  suffer  heavily 
through  the  cutting  off  of  their  sources  of  supply, 
by  the  destruction  of  all  buildings  used  for  the 
service  of  the  State  or  for  the  purposes  of  defense 
or  commerce.  We  should  capture  all  war  and 
transportation  material  found  in  them,  and  they 
would,  in  addition,  be  penalized  by  our  levying  upon 
them  heavy  war  contributions. 

Against  such  operations  on  our  part  the  Amer- 
icans would  find  defense  a  difficult  task,  notwith- 
standing that  their  splendid  railway  system  would 
enable  them  rapidly  to  concentrate  troops  at  spe- 
cific points  on  the  coast.  We,  however,  could  count 
on  the  success  of  our  invading  army,  because  we 
should  engage  in  landing  feints  to  deceive  the 
Americans  and  waste  their  time  on  defending  such 
points  till  at  last  they  managed  to  discover  our 
actual  points  of  disembarkation.  Our  troops,  on 
landing,  could  either  take  the  offensive  against  the 
enemy,  or  avoid  being  attacked  by  returning  to  the 
ships  with  a  view  to  effecting  a  landing  elsewhere 
on  the  coast. 

Stress  should  be  laid  on  the  fact  that  Germany 
is  the  only  Great  Power  which  single-handed  would 
be  able  to  attack  the  United  States.    It  is  true  that 

214 


UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

England  could  successfully  land  an  invading  army, 
but  she  would  not  be  in  a  position  to  defend  Can- 
ada, which  would  accordingly  bear  the  brunt  of 
American  revenge  for  failure  in  resisting  the  Brit- 
ish at  sea.  But  apart  from  England  no  Great  Power 
except  Germany  has  at  her  disposal  a  sufficiently 
large  number  of  transports  to  render  possible  the 
invasion  of  the  United  States. 

Baron  Franz  von  Edelsheim,  of  the  Second  Uhlan 
Regiment  of  the  Prussian  Guard,  "Oversea  Operations: 
A  Study"  (Berlin,  1901).  This  pamphlet  was  published 
to  promote  military  study  in  the  Army  and  Navy  Club 
of  Berlin.  The  foregoing  translation  is  taken  from  the 
London  "Times"  (February  5,  1917). 


A  claim  for  indemnity  (19 15) 

.  .  .  Naturally  the  war  hits  our  oversea  export 
hardest.  As  long  as  the  war  lasts,  this  export  is 
almost  entirely  suspended.  Even  after  the  war  it 
will  suffer  serious  depression.  In  the  countries 
of  South  and  Central  America  particularly  we  shall 
have  to  reckon  .  .  .  upon  a  decrease,  partly  be- 
cause of  the  diminished  purchasing  power  of  these 
countries  and  partly  because  of  the  more  active  _ 
Pan-American  efforts  of  the  United  States;  and  by  \ 
the  right  of  victory  and  on  grounds  of  justice  we 
have  a  claim  for  indemnity  {Entschadigung)  at  the 
cost  of  England  and  of  the  United  States. 

.  .  .  The  longer  the  war  lasts,  the  more  it  in- 
creases our  own  war  costs  and  diminishes  the  sol- 
vency of  our  enemies — the  less  hopeful  becomes  our 

215 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

prospect  of  obtaining  full  compensation  for  all  the 
damages  we  have  suffered.  .  .  .  Differential  cus- 
toms rates,  which  we  as  victors  can  put  into  force 
on  the  new  territorial  frontiers  won  from  our  ene- 
mies, give  us  the  possibility  of  obtaining  at  least 
partial  compensation. 

Prof.  Hermann  Schumacher,  "Meistbegiinstigungen 
und  Zollunterscheidung"  (1915),  pp.  43,  45. 

Proposed  coalition  against  the  United  States 

On  the  1st  of  February  we  intend  to  begin  unre- 
stricted submarine  warfare.  In  spite  of  this,  it  is 
our  intention  to  endeavor  to  keep  the  United  States 
of  America  neutral. 

If  this  attempt  is  not  successful,  we  propose  an 
alliance  with  Mexico  on  the  follov.ang  basis:  That 
we  shall  make  war  together  and  together  make 
peace.  We  shall  give  general  financial  support,  and 
it  is  understood  that  Mexico  is  to  reconquer  the 
lost  territory  in  New  Mexico,  Texas  and  Arizona. 
The  details  are  left  to  you  for  settlement. 

You  are  instructed  to  inform  the  President  of 
Mexico  of  the  above,  in  the  greatest  confidence,  as 
soon  as  it  is  certain  that  there  will  be  an  outbreak  of 
war  with  the  United  States,  and  to  suggest  that 
the  President  of  Mexico,  on  his  own  initiative, 
should  communicate  with  Japan  suggesting  ad- 
herence at  once  to  this  plan.  At  the  same  time  he 
should  offer  to  mediate  between  Germany  and 
Japan. 

Please  call  to  the  attention  of  the  President  of 
Mexico  that  the  employment  of  ruthless  submarine 

216 


UTTERANCES  REGARDING  AMERICA 

warfare  now  promises  to  compel  England  to  make 
peace  in  a  few  months. 

Zimmermann,  German  Imperial  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  Dispatch  to  the  German  Minister  in 
Mexico,  January  19,  1917. 


217 


CHAPTER    XI 
REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

I.    SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC  PROTESTS  AND 
WARNINGS 

Danger  in  victory 

.  .  .  Defeat  in  war  is  rather  advantageous  than 
disadvantageous  to  a  people  in  our  unfree  condi- 
tion. Victories  make  a  government  that  stands 
opposed  to  a  people  arrogant  and  exacting.  Defeats 
compel  them  to  approach  the  people  and  to  win 
their  sympathy.  This  is  taught  in  the  case  of 
Prussia  by  the  war  of  1806-07,  in  the  case  of  Aus- 
tria by  the  war  of  1866,  in  the  case  of  France  by 
the  war  of  1870,  and  by  the  defeat  of  Russia  in  the 
war  with  Japan  in  1904. 

...  If  Prussia  had  been  defeated  in  1866,  Bis- 
marck's ministry  and  the  rule  of  the  aristocracy, 
which  weighs  like  a  nightmare  upon  Germany  to 
this  day,  would  have  been  swept  away. 

August  Bebel,  "Memoirs"  (1910),  vol.  i,  p.  160;  cited  by 
W.  E.  Walling,  in  the  New  York  "Tribune,"  May  17, 
1917. 

"This  is  not  a  defensive  war" 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  War,  on  August  4,  1914,  the 
majority  of  the  German  Socialists  in  the  Reichstag  ac- 

218 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

cepted  the  theory  of  the  Government  that  the  conflict 
had  been  forced  upon  Germany.  Fourteen  representa- 
tives of  the  Socialist  party,  however,  rejected  this  view 
and  voted  against  the  war  credits  demanded  by  the  Gov- 
ernment. On  December  2,  the  number  of  dissenting 
Socialists  had  increased  to  seventeen;  but  on  this  occasion 
Karl  Liebknecht  alone  voted  against  additional  credits. 
He  filed  a  formal  written  protest;  the  President  of  the 
Reichstag  refused  to  permit  it  to  be  read ;  and  it  was  not 
published  in  any  German  newspaper  except  "Vorwarts," 
and  even  there  only  in  abbreviated  form.  A  translation 
of  the  "Vorwarts"  text  is  to  be  found  in  Walling,  "The 
Socialists  and  the  War"  (Henry  Holt  and  Co.,  1915). 
That  text  contains  the  sentence :  "This  is  not  a  defensive 
war."  The  opening  and  closing  paragraphs  of  the  protest, 
cited  below,  are  given  in  "Juges  par  eux-memes,"  pp.  50- 
51,  citing  the  Swiss  "Berner  Tagwacht."  The  closing 
paragraph  is  cited,  the  the  original  text,  in  Grumbach, 
"Das  annexionistische  Deutschland,"  p.  432. 

This  war,  which  none  of  the  peoples  affected 
wanted,  was  not  declared  in  the  interests  of  the 
Germans  or  of  any  other  people.  It  is  an  imperial- 
ist war,  a  war  for  the  political  domination  of  im- 
portant territories  in  which  industrial  and  banking 
capital  may  be  placed  and  made  productive.  From 
the  viewpoint  of  the  race  of  armaments,  it  is  a  pre- 
ventive war,  provoked  conjointly  by  the  war  parties 
of  Germany  and  Austria  in  the  obscurity  of  semi- 
absolutism  and  of  secret  diplomacy.  .  .  . 

I  agree  to  the  credits  in  so  far  as  they  are  asked 
for  undertakings  tending  to  relieve  the  existing  suf- 
fering, even  though  I  regard  them  as  notoriously 
inadequate.  I  agree  in  like  manner  to  everything 
that  is  done  to  lessen  the  hard  lot  of  our  brothers 

219 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

on  the  battlefield,  to  relieve  the  wounded  and  sick 
for  whom  I  feel  the  most  ardent  sympathy.  Noth- 
ing that  can  be  asked  for  along  these  lines  will 
seem  too  much  to  me. 

Protesting  against  the  war,  against  those  who 
are  responsible  for  and  those  who  promoted  it, 
against  the  capitalistic  policy  that  conjured  it  up 
and  against  the  capitalistic  ends  which  it  is  pursu- 
ing, against  the  plans  of  annexation,  against  the  vio- 
lation of  the  neutrality  of  Belgium  and  of  Luxem- 
burg, against  military  dictatorship,  against  the  com- 
plete forgetfulness  of  social  and  political  duties  of 
which  the  Government  and  the  ruling  classes  are 
still  guilty — I  oppose  the  grant  of  the  credits  asked 
for. 

A  war  for  world  dominion 

The  longer  the  war  lasts,  the  more  completely 
its  aims  are  unmasked.  It  appears  naked,  in  all  its 
ugliness,  as  a  war  for  capitalistic  conquest  and 
world  dominion. 

Klara  Zetkin  in  "Die  Gleichheit,"  Nov.  27,  1914.  This 
issue  was  seized  by  the  police. 

"An  imperialistic  war  of  conquest" 

It  has  become  increasingly  clear  that  the  war 
is  not  one  for  the  defense  of  our  national  integrity. 
More  and  more  distinctly  is  revealed  its  charac- 
ter as  an  imperialist  war  of  conquest.  More  and 
more  unequivocally  are  policies  of  annexation  pro- 
fessed. ...  In  the  session  of  the  Reichstag  on 
May    28    (1915)    the    Imperial    Chancellor    undis- 

220 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

guisedly  proclaimed  a  war  of  conquest;  and  in  the 
program  of  this  war,  as  our  party  knew,  was  in- 
cluded the  open  annexation  of  Russian  and  French 
territories  and  the  concealed  annexation  of  Belgium 
under  the  label  of  compulsory  economic  associa- 
tion. .  .  . 

Open  letter,  signed  by  several  hundred  Social  Demo- 
cratic leaders  and  sent  June  9,  191 5,  to  the  President  of 
the  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Germany  and  to  the 
President  of  the  Social  Democratic  faction  in  the  Reichs- 
tag. This  open  letter  was  secretly  distributed  all  over 
Germany,  in  spite  of  the  stringent  measures  taken  by  the 
police  to  prevent  its  circulation.  See  Grumbach,  pp. 
443-444. 

Obligations  of  honor  as  regards  Belgium 

While  .  .  .  any  forcible  annexation  of  Belgian 
territory  and  any  attack  upon  the  independence  of 
Belgium  by  any  State  whatever  is  to  be  resolutely 
resisted,  in  the  case  of  Germany  there  are  additional 
considerations,  in  that  our  country,  without  any 
occasion  being  afforded  by  any  act  of  Belgium, 
and  in  violation,  as  the  Imperial  Chancellor  him- 
self confessed,  of  the  international  guaranties  of 
Belgian  neutrality,  forced  her  way  into  Belgium 
for  her  own  purposes,  overthrew  the  army  that  at- 
tempted resistance  and  took  forcible  possession  of 
Belgium.  It  is  therefore  an  obligation  of  honor  for 
Germany  to  vacate  Belgium  without  delay  after 
the  conclusion  of  peace — in  accordance  with  the 
solemn  assurance  which  the  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  von  Jagow,  caused  to  be  given, 
August  4,  1914,  through  the  German  Ambassador, 

221 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Prince  Lichnowsky,  to  the  English  Secretary  of 
State,  Sir  Edward  Grey  * — and  to  compensate  the 
Belgian  people  in  full  measure  for  the  damage  in- 
flicted upon  them.  .  .  . 

Speech  delivered  by  Eduard  Bernstein,  at  a  meeting  of 
Social  Democratic  leaders  held  Aug.  14-16,  191 5.  It 
was  excluded  from  the  German  press  by  the  censorship. 
A  translation  was  published  in  the  Paris  "Humanite," 
Sept.  28,  191 5,  and  the  above  and  other  extracts  are  to  be 
found,  in  the  original  text,  Grumbach,  pp.  448-449. 


Protest  against  the  annexationist  propaganda 

...  In  view  of  the  efforts  that  are  becoming 
more  and  more  manifest  to  give  to  the  war  the  char- 
acter of  a  war  of  conquest,  we  regard  it  as  our  duty 
to  recall  what  we  said  in  the  session  of  August  4, 
1914,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war:  "We  desire 
a  peace  which  makes  friendship  with  neighboring 
nations  possible."  .  .  .  The  propagation  of  plans  of 
conquest  is  already  spurring  the  adversaries  of 
Germany  to  continue  the  struggle  and  is  contrib- 
uting in  a  disastrous  way  to  prolong  the  war.  .  .  . 
Every  forcible  assault  upon  the  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence of  a  nation  contains  the  germ  of  new  war- 
like complications,  and  involves  the  prospect  of  a 
coalition  of  enemies  perilous  to  the  German  Empire. 
.  .  .  The  assertion,  that  the  German  Empire  needs 

*  The  telegram  in  question  read :  "Please  dispel  any  mis- 
trust that  may  subsist  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government 
with  regard  to  our  intentions,  by  repeating  most  positively 
formal  assurance  that,  even  in  the  case  of  armed  conflict 
with  Belgium,  Germany  will,  under  no  pretense  whatever, 
annex  Belgian  territory.  .  .  ."  See  "British  Blue  Book," 
doc.  no.  157. 

222 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

for  its  economic  existence  acquisitions  of  territory 
in  the  East  and  in  the  West  is  disproved  by  the 
brilliant  economic  progress  which  we  have  wit- 
nessed within  the  previous  boundaries  of  the  Em- 
pire. With  Belgium  especially  our  economic  rela- 
tions were,  before  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  most 
intimate.  No  impediments  of  any  kind  were  inter- 
posed to  check  the  activity  and  the  enterprising 
spirit  of  our  nationals.  ... 

In  advocating  under  all  circumstances  the  free- 
dom and  independence  of  all  nations,  in  protesting 
against  every  policy  of  annexation,  we  are  con- 
vinced that  we  are  rendering  the  greatest  service  to 
our  own  people. 

Memorial  presented  to  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  dated 
June  25,  191 5,  signed  by  Fr.  Ebert  and  Philipp  Scheide- 
mann,  representing  respectively  the  Social  Democratic 
party  of  Germany  and  the  Social  Democratic  members 
of  the  Reichstag. 

Annexationist  agitation  officially  promoted 

On  Dec.  21,  1915,  when  further  war  credits  were 
demanded,  the  majority  fraction  of  the  Social  Democrats 
repeated  their  protest  against  "all  plans  of  conquest," 
but  voted  for  the  credits.  A  minority  declaration  was 
made  on  behalf  of  twenty  members  of  the  Reichstag  by 
Herr  Geyer,  who  said  (in  part)  : 

.  .  .  While  we  resist  with  all  our  power  plans  of 
conquest  framed  by  Governments  and  parties  in 
other  countries,  we  take  an  equally  determined 
stand  agamst  the  disastrous  agitation  of  annexa- 
tionist politicians  in  our  own  country.  .  .  .  This 
perilous  policy  the  Imperial  Chancellor  has  not  dis- 

223 


.y 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

avowed  ...  he  has   rather  promoted   it.  .  .  .  We 

cannot  reconcile  our  desire  for  peace  and  our  an- 
tagonism to  plans  of  conquest  with  a  vote  in  favor 
of  the  war  credits.    We  therefore  reject  the  credits. 


The  Chancellor's  military  aims 

The  Imperial  Chancellor  yesterday  raised  at  least 
a  corner  of  the  curtain  that  conceals  his  military 
aims.  Never  before  has  he  expressed  himself  so 
clearly.  Germany,  he  says,  will  not  voluntarily 
deliver  the  Poles,  the  Baits,  the  Letts,  the  Lithuan- 
ians to  reactionary  Russia.  ...  If,  however,  it  is  a 
question  of  making  the  people  of  Poland  independ- 
ent, they  must  themselves  decide  what  political 
form  they  will  adopt.  A  further  question  arises: 
What  is  to  be  done  with  the  Baits,  the  Lithuanians, 
the  Letts?  Are  they  to  be  incorporated  in  any 
State,  and  in  which  ?  Up  to  the  outbreak  of  this  war, 
the  people  of  this  region  had  no  desire  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  German  Empire.  .  .  . 

Against  the  remarks  made  by  the  Imperial  Chan- 
cellor regarding  Belgium  we  must  interpose  the  sharp- 
est protest.  Assuredly  Belgium  is  not  to  become  an 
Anglo-French  vassal  State,  but  neither  is  she  to  be- 
come a  German  vassal  State.  .  .  .  From  the  utter- 
ances of  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  Deputy  Spahn  has 
drawn  the  conclusion  that  Belgium  must  come  under 
our  control  in  political,  economical  and  military  mat- 
ters. [Cries  of  ''Quite  right!"  on  the  Right  and  in 
the  Center.]  For  a  free  nation  that  has  been  con- 
stituted as  an  independent  State,  this  form  of  an- 

224 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

nexation  would  be  much  worse  than  the  cession  of 
a  narrow  strip  of  territory.  Its  sovereignty  would 
be  destroyed.  .  .  . 

The  Imperial  Chancellor  denies  that  desire  for 
territory  plays  any  role  among  us.  Is  he  not  aware 
that  in  the  literature  of  the  war  the  demand  is  con- 
stantly made  that  we  should  gain  new  territories 
for  our  surplus  population?  ["Quite  right!"  on  the 
Right,  in  the  Center  and  among  the  National  Lib- 
erals.] ...  I  comprehend  your  view;  but  how,  hold- 
ing such  views,  you  can  work  yourself  into  indigna- 
tion about  the  intention  of  other  nations  to  annihilate 
us,  that  I  certainly  do  not  understand. 

Hugo  Haase,  Leader  of  the  Social  Democratic  Labor 
fraction  (numbering  nineteen  members  in  the  Reichstag), 
Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  April  6,  1916. 


"A  gang  of  robbers" 

We  adhere  to  the  .  .  .  point  of  view  contained 
in  the  demand  of  August  4,  1914 — the  territorial 
integrity  of  Germany  and  her  economic  independ- 
ence and  development — but  today  we  still  refuse  to 
oppress  foreign  peoples.  .  .  . 

The  supporters  of  conquest  shout  for  increase  of 
power,  increase  of  territory,  money  and  raw  mate- 
rial. That  can  be  wanted  only  by  a  nationally  or- 
ganized gang  of  robbers. 

Philipp  Scheidemann,  Leader  of  the  Social  Democratic 
majority,  Speech  in  the  Reichstag,  May  15,  1917.  As 
late  as  191 6,  Scheidemann's  attitude  toward  annexations 
was  somewhat  equivocal;  see  above,  p.  149. 

225 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

Why  Socialist  journals  rarely  protest 

Attacks  upon  those  wide  circles  in  the  nation 
that  deem  the  connection  of  Belgium  with  the 
German  Empire  to  be  necessary,  in  the  interest  of 
the  Fatherland,  have  already  been  strictly  prohib- 
ited in  a  notice  to  you  referring  to  your  article  on 
"The  Future  of  Belgium"  in  your  issue  of  March 
26,  1915.  Since  your  attitude  gives  me  no  assur- 
ance for  the  future  against  offenses  of  the  kind  cen- 
sured, I  impose  upon  your  journal  the  requirement 
of  preliminary  approval. 

Gen.  Baron  von  Gayl,  notification  sent  April  24,  191 5, 
to  the  editors  and  publishers  of  the  "Dortmunder  Arbei- 
terzeitung"  (Social  Democratic). 

In  your  issue  of  April  23,  191 5,  under  the  head- 
ing, "More  About  the  Aims  of  the  War,"  you  again 
discuss  this  subject  in  defiance  of  my  definite  pro- 
hibition. In  the  article  cited,  you  describe  certain 
remarks  of  Deputy  Paasche,  concerning  the  possible 
acquisition  of  European  and  colonial  territories,  as 
"phantasies"  and  on  the  other  hand  you  reproduce 
with  approval  an  essay  of  Professor  Brentano, 
which  in  a  discussion  of  the  aims  of  peace  contains 
serious  breaches  of  the  party  truce  (Burgfriede). 
.  .  .  Since  your  attitude  gives  me  no  assurance  for 
the  future  against  offenses  of  the  kind  censured,  I 
impose  upon  your  journal  the  requirement  of  pre- 
liminary approval. 

Gen.  Baron  von  Gayl,  notification  sent  April  25,  1915, 
to  the  "Niederrheinische  Arbeiterzeitung"  (Social  Demo- 
cratic). 

226 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 


II.    PROTESTS   OF  ASSOCIATIONS 

Petition  of  the  "New  Fatherland  Alliance" 

The  "Bund  Neues  Vaterland"  was  founded  in  Novem- 
ber, 1914,  by  Baron  von  Tepper-Laski,  a  man  sixty  years 
old,  one  of  the  best  known  of  Prussian  sportsmen.  His 
democratic  views  brought  him  into  opposition  against  the 
Government  from  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  The  Bund  in- 
cluded men  from  many  circles :  politicians,  savants,  manu- 
facturers, financiers  and  former  diplomatists.  At  the 
outset  it  was  not  discouraged  by  the  Government;  it  was 
deemed  useful  as  a  make-weight  against  the  extreme  an- 
nexationists. In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  191 5,  chiefly 
in  consequence  of  pressure  exerted  by  the  military  au- 
thorities, who  regarded  the  Bund  as  a  dangerous  organiza- 
tion, the  attitude  of  the  Government  changed,  and  all 
meetings  of  the  Bund  were  placed  under  police  supervision. 
Early  in  April,  1916,  the  general  secretary  of  the  Bund, 
Frl.  Jannasch,  was  arrested,  without  any  public  state- 
ment of  the  charges  against  her.  Some  weeks  later  she 
was  set  at  liberty.    Grumbach,  p.  409. 

Six  great  economic  associations  .  .  .  have  sent  to 
the  Chancellor  a  Memorial,  dated  May  20.*  .  .  . 
We  feel  it  our  duty  to  express  most  emphatically 
our  opposition  to  the  demands  set  forth  in  this 
Memorial;  and  to  petition  the  Imperial  Chancellor 
to  take  the  measures  needed  to  check  this  agitation 
and,  above  all  things,  to  make  it  clear,  beyond  a 
doubt,  that  the  Imperial  Government  is  not  in  ac- 
cord with  the  aims  of  the  war  set  forth  in  the  said 
Memorial. 

'*See  above,  pp.  123-125. 

227 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

The  insane  idea  of  securing  peace  by  annihilating 
our  enemies. — We  need  not  insist  that  a  ruthless 
victor  would  conjure  up  against  himself  the  hos- 
tility of  the  whole  world  and  would  necessarily  suc- 
cumb to  the  alliance  of  all  the  Powers.  We  wish 
only  to  inquire  whether  in  our  case  it  is  possible  so 
to  weaken  our  enemies  that  they  shall  for  a  long 
period  be  powerless.  We  have  against  us,  not  one 
single  Power,  but  four  European  Great  Powers.  The 
notion  of  so  weakening  our  chief  antagonists,  Eng- 
land and  Russia,  as  to  reduce  them  to  long  con- 
tinued impotence,  or  of  "annihilating"  them,  as  the 
"Wehrverein"  demanded,  Christmas,  1914,  is  too 
naive  for  serious   discussion.  .  .  . 

To  secure  peace  "permanently"  or  within  the 
reach  of  human  foresight  by  this  method  of  "bleed- 
ing white"  is  quite  impossible.  To  determine  to 
fight  for  such  an  unattainable  military  purpose  is 
stark  madness. 

The  diffusion  of  this  mad  idea  is  dangerous,  since 
it  increases  the  difficulty  of  our  attaining  such  a 
peace  as  we  need,  as  we  may  perhaps  secure  in  a 
not  too  distant  future,  and  as  would  really  promise 
to  be  permanent.  .  .  . 

Annexations  demanded. — The  Memorial  demands 
that  extensive  regions  in  the  West  and  in  the  East 
shall  be  incorporated  in  the  Empire. 

In  the  West,  Belgium  is  to  be  annexed,  in  effect 
if  not  formally — a  country  covering  almost  30,000 
square  kilometers,  with  a  population  of  about  7,- 
500,000.  In  France  (if  the  most  modest  interpre- 
tation is  placed  upon  the  statements  made  in  the 
Memorial)  .  .  .  fully  20,000  square  kilometers  are 

228 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

to  be  annexed  with  more  than  3,500,000  inhabitants. 

In  the  East  the  demands  contained  in  the  Memo- 
rial are  even  more  indefinite.  We  shall  again  at- 
tempt to  interpret  them  as  modestly  as  possible.  .  .  . 
They  would  amount  altogether  to  annexations  of 
80,000  square  kilometers  with  more  than  5,000,000 
inhabitants.  In  the  West  and  the  East  together, 
accordingly,  about  130,000  square  kilometers*  are 
to  be  annexed,  with  more  than  16,000,000  inhab- 
itants. .  .  . 

How  great  a  task  would  be  imposed  upon  Ger- 
many, even  in  times  of  peace,  if  .  .  .  more  than  16,- 
000,000  inhabitants,  almost  all  of  them  animated 
by  the  bitterest  hostility  against  everything  Ger- 
man, were  to  be  loaded  upon  the  Empire,  with  its 
population  of  67,000,000,  what  perils  would  be  in- 
volved in  times  of  peace,  to  say  nothing  of  times 
of  war — these  questions  have  not  wholly  escaped 
the  attention  of  the  authors  of  the  Memorial.  This 
explains  the  fact  that  they  advance  a  further  de- 
mand. ...  In  the  annexed  countries  government 
and  administration  are  to  be  so  conducted  that  "the 
inhabitants  shall  obtain  no  influence  upon  the  polit- 
ical destinies  of  the  German  Empire." 

In  other  words,  the  population  is  to  be  ruled  by 
the  German  Empire  without  being  able  to  exercise 
any  political  rights  in  the  German  Empire.  .  .  . 
This  system  is  to  be  imposed,  not  only  in  the  East, 
upon  Russian  subjects,  but  also  in  the  West,  on 
Belgian  and  French  citizens,  accustomed  to  the  full- 
est liberty  and  to  democratic  constitutions. 

*Nearly  51,000  square  miles — somewhat  more  than  the  area 
of  New  York  State. 

229 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

.  .  .  To  the  monstrous  proposal  of  converting 
16,000,000  foreign  and  hostile  human  beings  into 
compulsory  members  of  the  German  Empire  there 
is  thus  added  a  second  monstrosity.  ...  No  sane 
person  will  believe  that  any  such  forcible  subjuga- 
tion could  be  permanent.  It  would  rather  be 
avenged  fearfully  upon  the  German  nation. 

In  carrying  out  the  annexations,  the  Memorial 
demands  not  only  measures  in  the  field  of  public 
law  but  also  far-reaching  attacks  upon  the  right  of 
private  property.  All  possessions  that  carry  with 
them  strong  economic  and  social  influence — in  the 
West  particularly  the  possession  of  all  great  indus- 
trial plants,  in  the  East  especially  the  large  and 
medium  agricultural  holdings — arc  to  pass  into 
German  hands. 

This  would  be  a  revolution  in  the  economic  situ- 
ation of  individuals  in  the  annexed  countries  such 
as  no  modern  annexation  has  carried  with  it.  It 
recalls — and  the  comparison  is  not  on  the  whole 
favorable  to  the  modern  plan — the  times  of  the 
great  migrations  of  the  nations.  In  those  times 
the  Roman  citizen  holding  land  in  a  Roman  prov- 
ince conquered  by  the  Teutons  was  obliged  to  cede, 
in  one  form  or  another,  a  part  of  his  possessions  to 
a  Teuton  conqueror.  .  .  . 

Thus  one  monstrosity  begets  another.  .  .  . 

Among  Germany's  enemies  there  is  a  considera- 
ble conflict  of  interests,  which  must  come  into  play 
again  after  the  conclusion  of  peace.  .  .  .  After  the 
conclusion  of  peace  it  should  be  one  of  the  most 
important  tasks  of  German  policy  to  see  that  a  co- 
alition  such   as   now   exists   should   not  again  be 

230 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

formed  against  us.  .  .  .  The  annexation  plans  of 
the  Memorial  tend  to  bring  about  the  direct  oppo- 
site of  what  prudence  demands.  Instead  of  divid- 
ing our  enemies,  such  annexations  would  weld  them 
together.  .  .  . 

What  a  pitiable  palterer  was  Bismarck,  who  in 
1866  let  Austria  escape  without  cessions  of  territory, 
and  who  in  1871  concluded  a  premature  peace,  with- 
out fully  exploiting  the  favorable  military  situation 
and  taking  from  the  French  Verdun  and  Bel- 
fort!  .  .  . 

Belgium. — Our  experiences  tell  us,  without  quali- 
fication, that  the  violation  of  Belgian  neutrality 
has  almost  everywhere  made  a  disastrous  and  alto- 
gether lamentable  impression  on  the  feelings  of  neu- 
trals; that  this  impression,  despite  the  lapse  of  ten 
months,  is  in  nowise  effaced;  that  on  the  contrary 
it  has  in  many  cases  been  regrettably  intensi- 
fied. .  .  . 

Members  of  our  Alliance  know,  from  personal 
impressions,  how  strong  has  been  the  effect  of  the 
violation  of  Belgian  neutrality  upon  the  great  ma- 
jority of  Americans,  even  upon  those  who  were 
friendly  to  Germany.  ...  It  has  been  particularly 
difficult  to  make  our  appeal  to  a  "state  of  necessity" 
intelligible  to  Americans.  .  .  . 

The  annexation  of  Belgium  would  be  viewed  in 
all  countries  as  the  forcible  subjugation  of  a  mal- 
treated free  nation,  completely  free  from  responsi- 
bility for  her  sad  fate.  With  the  strong  prejudice 
already  existing  against  us  in  many  nations,  it  would 
have  a  fearful  and  long-enduring  effect.  .  .  . 

Should  we  insist  on  satisfying  demands  for  an- 
231 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

nexation  which  would  make  any  conclusion  of  peace 
impossible  within  any  calculable  period,  we  should 
do  our  utmost  to  drive  the  neutrals  into  the  camp 
of  our  enemies;  we  should  turn  against  us  first 
their  sympathies  and  then  perhaps  their  armies. 
And  in  the  meantime  there  would  be  an  uninter- 
rupted senseless  and  useless  sacrifice  of  billions  of 
national  property  and  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
precious  human  lives.  .  .  . 

This  petition  was  sent  to  the  Imperial  Chancellor  at 
the  beginning  of  June,  191 5.  Copies  were  sent  to  all 
members  of  the  Reichstag.  All  copies  offered  for  sale 
were  promptly  seized  by  the  police.  In  September,  191 5, 
a  complete  translation  was  published  in  the  Paris  "Hu- 
manite."  The  full  text  of  the  petition  is  to  be  found,  in 
the  original  German,  in  Grumbach,  and  the  foregoing 
extracts  will  be  found  at  pp.  375-384,  400,  402,  403. 

Protest  of  the  German  Peace  Society 

.  .  .  The  renunciation  [of  annexations]  is  de- 
manded in  the  peculiar  interest  of  Germany  her- 
self; because  the  compulsory  introduction  of  alien 
and  hostile  masses  into  our  political  system  and 
our  national  life  could  work  only  to  our  harm.  It 
is  demanded  by  the  urgent  need  of  all  nations, 
including  the  German  nation,  to  gain  the  greatest 
possible  security  for  an  enduring  peace;  because 
annexations  which  subjugate  a  foreign  nationality 
must  lead  with  absolute  necessity  to  a  war  of  retri- 
bution. It  is  demanded  by  the  necessity  of  build- 
ing up  anew  after  the  war  a  peaceful — cultural,  le- 
gal and  political — community  of  the  civilized  na- 
tions ;  because  a  Germany  burdened  with  conquests 

232 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

would  be  excluded  from  such  a  community.  It  is 
demanded  by  the  general  principles  of  respect  for 
the  freedom  and  independence  of  all  nations;  be- 
cause these  principles  are  entitled  to  respect  on 
their  own  account  and  their  disregard  would  neces- 
sarily bring  vengeance  upon   us. 

Memorial  of  the  German  Peace  Society,  submitted  to 
the  German  Reichstag,  Dec.  i,  1915.  It  was  signed  in 
behalt  of  the  Society  by  Prof.  Quidde,  member  of  the 
Bavarian  Diet,  and  by  O.  Umfried,  a  clergyman.  The 
publication  of  this  memorial  was  prohibited.  In  the 
typewritten  copies  sent  to  members  of  the  Society  they 
were  warned  that  the  memorial  must  not  be  given  to  the 
press.    Grumbach,  pp.  411-413. 

III.    INDIVIDUAL   PROTESTS   AND    REACTIONS 

Imperialism  akin  to  megalomania 

"The  idea  of  World  rule,  Imperialism  in  the  proper 
sense  of  the  word,  did  not  spring  up  on  German  soil;  it 
was  imported  from  abroad.  Seriously  to  support  it  is 
to  commit  treason  against  the  innermost  essence  of  the 
German  spirit." — Franz  von  Liszt. 

When  this  war  broke  out,  we  were  prepared  for 
dreadful  things — unprecedented  squandering  of  hu- 
man life,  fearful  misery,  famine,  disease.  What 
we  were  not  prepared  for  is  this  shocking  reversion 
toward  moral  savagery.  .  .  . 

I  am  not  sufficiently  optimistic  to  believe  that  this 
war  will  be  followed  by  a  long  peace.  The  hatred 
necessarily  engendered  by  this  war  and  by  the  still 
hardly  conceivable  way  in  which  it  is  being  waged 
— this  hatred  alone  promises  a  series  of  wars.    This 

233 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

assumption  is  unfortunately  supported  by  the  still 
unbroken  power  of  Imperialism.  .  .  . 

What  is  "the  German  Idea"  ?  Rohrbach^  nowhere 
puts  it  into  plain  words.  Was  he  restrained  from 
defining  it  by  something  like  unconscious  shyness? 
What  it  means  to  him  is,  however,  quite  clear.  It 
is  a  completely  materialistic  notion.  Rohrbach 
wishes  the  German  to  rule,  to  stretch  himself,  to 
enrich  himself,  to  permit  nothing  to  be  done  in  the 
world  without  his  cooperation.  "The  German 
Idea"  ...  is  only  a  euphemism  for  Imperialism. 
That  is  his  declared  and  exclusive  aim.  That  ex- 
plains his  boundless  admiration  for  England,  in 
spite  of  all  his  anatagonism  to  England.  .  .  . 

It  is  not  true  that  all  Englishmen  are  scoundrels. 
It  is  not  true  that  only  shopkeeping  souls  dwell  in 
England.  .  .  . 

Are  we  then  to  feel  no  hate? 

Oh,  certainly — we  are  to  hate  the  English  Idea 
and  to  pluck  it  out  of  our  own  country,  root  and 
branch. 

I  admit  that  I  am  so  utter  a  simpleton  as  to  be 
unable  to  perceive  the  nobility  concealed  under 
hideous  facts.  ...  I  see  [in  Imperialism]  only  a 
pride  of  power,  akin  to  megalomania ;  with  the  best 
w^ill  in  the  world,  I  can  see  in  it  no  moral  idea. 
When  it  is  appreciated  .  .  .  that  the  true  interests 
of  nations  are  not  antagonistic,  then  at  last  it  will 
be  understood  that  even  in  politics  there  is  such  a 
thing  as  immorality,  and  that  it  is  immoral  to  base 
our  own  prosperity  on  the  misery  of  alien  peo- 
ples. .  .  . 

*In  work  cited  above,  p.  no. 
234 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

A  culture  that  deserves  the  name  does  not  con- 
sist in  clever  technical  inventions,  nor  even  in  flour- 
ishing arts  and  sciences,  but  in  the  fostering  of 
justice. 

Ernst  Miiller-Holm,  "Der  englische  Gedanke  in 
Deutschland :  Zur  Abwehr  des  Imperialismus"  (Munich, 
1915),  pp.  5,  7,  8,  72-^1,  82,  99-100. 


Pan-Germanist  responsibility 

Did  this  war  really  arise  without  any  fault  on  our 
part?  Is  Germany  really  such  a  lamb  as  our  press 
asserts?  .  .  .  The  hatred  which  almost  all  neutrals 
exhibit  toward  us  must  give  us  pause.  Our  uni- 
versal unpopularity  is  fully  to  be  explained  neither 
by  certain  unamiable  Prussian-German  traits  .  .  . 
nor  by  the  French  and  English  underground  propa- 
ganda. .  .  . 

What  handle  have  we  given  [to  the  French  and 
English  press]  ?  It  is  simply  our  world-trade  pol- 
icy. .  .  .  And  what  has  caused  us  to  be  completely 
detested  by  civilized  nations  is  this  insufferable  at- 
titude of  the  Pan-Germanists.  "Pan-Germanists" 
is  their  name  in  politics;  in  science  they  are  called 
*'Race  Theorists."  Do  you  wish  to  know  what 
Race  Theory  is?  It  is  a  so-called  science,  of  which 
the  purpose  is  to  prove  that  the  Germans  stand  first 
among  all  nations  of  the  world,  that  all  the  achieve- 
ments of  civilization  since  the  beginning  of  history 
have  proceeded  from  them,  and  that  the  rule  of  the 
world  fitly  and  rightly  belongs  to  them.  .  .  .  What 
an  impression  of  Germany's  politicians,  of  the  aims 
of  German  patriots,  must  a  foreigner  derive  from 

235 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

these  products  of  national  megalomania?  One 
writer  expects  a  "Pan-Germanic  Empire,"  embrac- 
ing "the  present  Empire;  the  other  Germanic  ter- 
ritories in  Europe,  Scandinavia  and  the  Nether- 
lands, as  equal  partners  in  the  Empire ;  further,  the 
territories  of  the  Latins  in  the  West  and  in  the 
Southwest  and  of  Austria's  western  and  southern 
Slavs,  as  dependent  colonial  territories,  besides  all 
America  south  of  the  Amazon."  Another  writer 
calmly  launches  the  assertion  that  the  cultural  value 
of  a  nation  depends  on  its  percentage  of  "the  blond 
race";  and  on  this  basis  he  undertakes  to  prove,  in 
each  individual  case,  that  all  the  great  men  of  the 
non-German  nations  were  of  German  blood.  A 
third  declares  that  the  command  to  love  your  neigh- 
bor, given  us  by  the  "Aryan"  Jesus,  of  course  ex- 
tends only  to  Aryans.  .  .  . 

The  views  of  these  dangerous  fanatics  quite  dom- 
inate public  opinion;  they  contrive  to  smuggle  their 
cuckoo-eggs  into  most  journals  and  newspapers. 
The  harm  done  by  such  books  as  Houston  Stewart 
Chamberlain's  "Foundations  of  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury," and  by  the  essays  in  the  "Political-Anthropo- 
logical Review"  is  inconceivable.  Generations  must 
pass  away  before  the  bad  impression  made  upon  for- 
eign nations  disappears. 

Miiller-Holm,  ibid.,  pp.  131-134. 

Germany's  future 

Germany's  future  does  not  lie  on  the  water,  but 
within  her  own  nobly  endowed  land.  All  geo- 
graphical considerations,  the  nature  of  the  country, 

236 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

the  character  of  its  coasts,  its  position  in  the  mid- 
dle of  Europe,  indicate  that  it  is  destined  to  be  a 
continental  State.  That,  of  course,  does  not  mean 
that  navigation  is  to  be  abandoned  .  .  .  but  it  can- 
not be  our  chief  object.  That  is  forbidden  by  mil- 
itary considerations,  by  our  extended  frontiers  on 
land.  At  sea,  we  must  confine  ourselves  substan- 
tially to  defense. 

It  is  time  to  return  to  Bismarck's  policies.  After  ' 
1 87 1  he  lost  no  opportunity  to  declare  that  Ger- 
many was  "saturated."  I  am  no  unconditional 
panegyrist  of  Bismarck,  not  even  of  his  foreign 
policy.  I  regret  above  all  that  after  1871  he  did 
not  attempt,  perhaps  did  not  even  desire,  to  es- 
tablish tolerable  relations  with  France.  But  his 
policy  had  one  great  merit:  it  was  never  adven- 
turous. 

Miiller-Holm,  ibid.,  p.   140. 

Germany  must  not  follow  the  Napoleonic  road 

Full  assurance  that  a  conquered  enemy  will  not 
seize  a  favorable  opportunity  to  renew  the  contest 
can  be  obtained  only  by  his  permanent  subjuga- 
tion. This  was  the  Roman  practice,  and  in  this 
way  they  gradually  built  up  their  World  Empire. 
Luckily  for  the  human  race,  such  a  World  Empire 
is  today  impossible.  An  intermediate  course  is  to 
secure  extensive  cessions  of  territory,  to  maintain 
possession  of  dominant  strongholds,  and  to  exploit 
the  enemy  financially.  This  course  was  followed 
by  Napoleon,  particularly  in  1807  as  regarded  Prus- 
sia. .  .  .  This  method  has  not  proved  satisfactory. 

237 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

.  .  .  God  forbid  that  the  German  Empire,  after 
the  victory  we  expect,  should  follow  the  road  of 
Napoleonic  policy!  The  result  would  be  a  series 
of  wars,  of  which  the  end  could  not  be  foreseen. 
Whatever  fetters  we  might  impose  upon  the  nations, 
they  could  not  be  reduced  to  complete  immobility ; 
and  on  one  point  Europe  is  of  one  mind — never  to 
accept  the  domination  of  a  single  State.  .  .  .  Our 
aim  must  be :  The  maintenance  of  the  existing  po- 
litical equilibrium  on  land  and  the  conquest  of  an 
equilibrium  on  the  sea. 

Prof.  Hans  Delbriick,  in  "Preussische  Jahrbiicher,"  vol. 
158  (October,  1914).  This  article  was  violently  attacked 
in  the  Conservative  press;  see  Grumbach,  p.  424. 

Annexations  would  ruin  the  nation 

The  demand  that  the  outcome  of  the  war  for 
Germany — in  compensation  for  its  sacrifices  and  in 
order  to  secure  future  peace — should  consist  in  ex- 
tensive additions  of  territory,  threatens  increasing- 
ly to  dominate  public  opinion.  .  .  .  The  worst  ene- 
my of  Germany  could  devise  no  more  devilish  means 
of  ruining  the  Empire  and  the  nation.  .  .  . 

Most  widely  diffused  in  Germany,  beyond  a 
doubt,  is  the  idea  of  annexing  Belgium.  And  it  is 
just  this  idea  that  is  the  most  dangerous  of  all.  .  .  . 
The  demand  for  a  secure  and  enduring  peace  and 
the  demand  for  an  annexation  of  Belgium  are  ir- 
reconcilable antitheses. 

Prof.  Quidde,  "Reale  Garantien  fur  einen  dauernden 
Frieden"  (1915),  pp.  4,  5,  ii>  18.  Printed  as  manu- 
script. Copies  mailed  were  confiscated.  See  Grumbach, 
p.  420. 

238 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

The  indictment  against  Germany 

No  book  that  has  appeared  during  the  War  has  at- 
tracted more  attention  than  the  volume  entitled  " J'^ccuse ; 
von  einem  Deutschen"  (Lausanne,  1915).  The  German 
Government  forbade  its  circulation  in  Germany  and  en- 
deavored to  secure  its  suppression  in  Switzerland.  From 
its  tone  and  method  of  treatment  it  is  clearly  the  work 
of  a  German  lawyer.  The  following  extracts  are  taken 
from  the  translation  by  Alexander  Gray  (New  York, 
George  H.  Doran  Co.,  1915). 

1.  Germany  gave  Austria  a  free  hand  against 
Serbia,  although  she  was  well  aware  that  a  Euro- 
pean conflict  must  arise  out  of  that  between  Serbia 
and  Austria. 

2.  She  allowed  Austria  to  address  to  Serbia  an 
ultimatum  with  exorbitant  demands  and,  notwith- 
standing an  almost  complete  compliance  with  these 
demands,  she  allowed  her  to  recall  her  Ambassador 
and  to  declare  war. 

3.  By  suggesting  a  localization  of  the  war,  she 
sought  to  create  the  appearance  of  mediating  in  the 
interests  of  peace;  but  that  this  proposal  had  no 
prospect  of  success  must  have  been  known  to  her 
from  the  history  of  diplomacy  and  from  the  recent 
evidence  of  the  Balkan  crisis;  that  as  a  matter  of 
fact  it  was  known  to  her  is  clear  from  the  confes- 
sions contained  in  the  White  Book. 

4.  She  declined  the  proposal  for  a  conference  of 
the  four  Powers. 

5.  She  herself  then  advanced  the  proposal  for 
direct  discussions  between  Vienna  and  Petrograd, 
but  at  the  same  time  she  suffered  Austria  to  de- 

239 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

cline  to  take  part  in  these  discussions,  and  instead 
to  declare  war  against  Serbia. 

6.  She  left  unanswered  the  frequently  repeated 
request  of  the  other  Powers  that  she  should  herself 
propose  an  alternative  method  of  mediation  in  place 
of  the  proposal  of  a  conference  which  she  had  de- 
clined. 

7.  She  left  unanswered  and  undiscussed  the  vari- 
ous formulae  for  agreement  proposed  by  Grey. 

8.  In  part  she  refused  and  in  part  she  left  un- 
answered the  formulas  of  agreement  proposed  by 
Sazonoff. 

9.  In  spite  of  all  inquiries,  she  never  said  what 
Austria  wanted,  but  constantly  restricted  herself 
to  saying  what  Austria  did  not  want. 

10.  She  made  to  England  a  bid  for  neutrality,  and 
thus  announced  her  intention  of  making  war,  at  a 
time  when  the  Entente  Powers  were  still  zealously 
laboring  in  the  interests  of  peace. 

11.  When  at  last  negotiations  on  the  Serbian 
Note  were  opened,  with  a  prospect  of  success,  in 
Petrograd  between  Austria  and  Russia,  she  upset 
these  negotiations  by  her  ultimata  to  France  and 
to  Russia,  and  made  war  inevitable. 

12.  In  the  ultimatum  to  Russia  she  demanded 
that  demobilization  should  also  be  carried  out  as 
against  Austria,  although  Austria  herself  had  mo- 
bilized the  whole  of  her  forces. 

13.  In  place  of  the  counter-mobilization  which 
she  had  threatened  to  carry  out,  she  at  once  declared 
war,  without  any  ground,  first  on  Russia  and  then 
on  France. 

14.  As  an  afterthought  she  based  these  declara- 

240 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

tions  of  war  on  the  fact  that  the  Powers  opposed 
to  her  had  begun  the  war,  whereas,  on  the  contrary, 
the  first  acts  of  war  were  committed  by  Germany. 

15.  She  violated  the  neutrahty  of  Belgium,  and 
thus  in  addition  brought  about  war  with  England. 

These  points  in  the  indictment  are  proved,  and 
justify  the  judgment:  Germany  is  guilty,  along 
with  Austria,  of  having  brought  about  the  Euro- 
pean war. 

'Taccuse/'  pp.  243-245. 

Responsibility  of  the  German  Government 

It  is  to  you,  Herr  von  Bethmann,  that  we  owe 
all  this.  ...  Go  to  the  battlefields,  go  to  the  hos- 
pitals; see  the  wounded,  the  dead  and  the  dying; 
go  into  the  wasted  cities  and  pray  before  the  ruined 
altars,  entreating  your  Saviour  for  forgiveness,  that 
you,  in  place  of  the  words,  "Peace  on  earth,  good- 
will to  men,"  have  brought  about  "Murder  on 
earth,  and  for  men  fire  and  destruction."  Then  beat 
your  breast  and  confess  aloud  and  in  public,  so  that 
all  the  world  may  hear  it:  "I  arri  the  guilty  one,  I 
alone!"  This  would  not  bring  you  righteousness, 
but  it  would  be  the  first  step  toward  it — the  peni- 
tence which  in  itself  is  half-atonement.  .  .  . 

The  German  nation  has  been  corrupted  and  blind- 
ed, that  it  might  be  driven  into  a  war  which  it  has 
never  foreseen,  never  intended,  and  never  desired. 
In  order  that  it  might  be  "liberated,"  it  has  been  put 
in  chains.  .  .  . 

History,  which  weighs  guilt  and  innocence  in  its 
iron  scales,  will,  I  am  firmly  convinced,  confirm  the 

241 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

judgment  which,  with  pain  and  shame,  I  as  a  Ger- 
man have  been  compelled  to  pass  on  Germans,  in 
honor  of  truth  and  for  the  well-being  of  the  German 
people.  History  also  with  letters  of  flame  will  in- 
scribe the  verdict:  Weighed  in  the  balance  and 
found  wanting. 

"J'accuse,"  pp.  375,  421,  423. 


Testimony  in  favor  of  the  Belgians 

The  following  letter  from  a  German  priest,  dated  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  Nov.  26,  1914,  was  sent  to  the  "Kolnische 
Zeitung."    It  is  cited  in  "Juges  par  eux-memes,"  pp.  87-88. 

One  of  the  most  thankless  tasks  of  the  present 
time  is  to  assert  the  truth  against  the  absurd  ru- 
mors circulating  through  the  country.  The  "Volks- 
zeitung,"  Cologne,  has  already  published,  Septem- 
ber 30,  1914,  a  letter  from  me,  in  which  I  stated  that 
after  investigation  I  had  not  found  in  the  thirty- 
five  hospitals  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  a  single  German 
soldier  whose  eyes  had  been  put  out. 

You  have  informed  me,  since,  that  my  letter  has 
not  stopped  this  rumor-mongering.  To  show  this, 
you  have  sent  me  an  article  published  in  the  "Kol- 
nische  Zcitung,"  October  31,  which  is  quite  adapted 
to  revive  belief  in  these  fantastic  stories.  It  is 
stated,  in  this  "Kolnische  Zeitung"  article,  that  a 
physician  named  Saethre  had  visited  the  Cologne 
hospitals.  In  the  translation  of  his  report  is  to  be 
found  the  following  passage: 

"There  can  be  no  doubt  concerning  the  atrocities 
committed  by  the  franc-tireurs.  I  myself  have 
seen,  in  Aix-la-Chapelle,  a  Red  Cross  nurse,  one  of 

242 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

whose  breasts  had  been  cut  off  by  the  franc-tireurs, 
and  a  squadron  commander  whose  eyes  had  been 
put  out  while  he  was  lying  on  the  battlefield." 

You  have  asked  me  to  write  you  what  I  thought 
of  this  report.  Accordingly,  I  addressed  inquiries 
to  the  proper  authorities  in  order  to  find  out 
whether  the  statements  made  by  Dr.  Sasthre  were 
accurate.  On  November  25th,  the  director  of  the 
hospital  wrote  me  as  follows: 

"The  atrocities  you  mention  have  not  been  com- 
mitted, at  least,  not  so  far  as  is  known  in  Aix-la- 
Chapelle.  We  have  not  seen  the  Red  Cross  nurse 
in  question,  any  more  than  the  squadron  com- 
mander." 

I  do  not  know  where  the  physician  mentioned  in 
the  "Kolnische  Zeitung"  got  his  information.  I 
believe  it  necessary  to  state  here,  for  the  second 
time,  that  the  hospitals  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  shelter 
no  wounded  men  whose  eyes  have  been  put  out  nor 
any  Red  Cross  nurse  mutilated  in  the  above-men- 
tioned manner. 

Fr.  Kaufmann. 


A  discouraged  Demburg 

Germany  has  few  friends  in  the  world.  The  senti- 
ment in  South  America  is  divided,  and  the  actual 
neutrality  of  North  America  is  doubtful.  .  .  .  We 
have  not  understood  the  psychology  of  the  South 
Americans — and  not  of  the  South  Americans 
alone.  ...  It  is  a  mistake  to  say  that  merely  envy 
and  ill-will  are  to  blame  for  this,  for  we  ourselves 

243 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

have  frequently  insulted  this  psychology  by  our 
methods. 

Former  Colonial  Secretary  Demburg.  Address  deliv- 
ered at  the  organization  meeting  of  the  German  Economic 
Union  for  South  and  Central  America;  reported  in  the 
"Berliner  Tageblatt"  (Sept.  3,  1915)  ;  cited  in  the  "New 
York  Times"   (Sept.  24,  1915). 

We  have  with  particular  self- contentment  trou- 
bled ourselves  little  as  to  what  foreign  countries 
thought  of  us.  When  we  did  what  we  thought 
right,  then  we  were  satisfied.  What  others  thought 
of  it  left  us  indifferent.  We  have  delighted  our- 
selves in  standing  on  guard  in  shining  armor  in 
Central  Europe,  and  we  have  in  a  fateful  hour  set 
oiu-selves  against  the  general  tendencies  of  a  world 
that  desired  peace.  .  .  . 

Dernburg,  Speech  at  Breslau,  April  29,  1917;  cited  in 
the  "New  York  Times"  (May  i,  1917). 


"A  softened  Harden"* 

Put  the  German  house  in  such  order  that  tomor- 
row it  will  be  habitable  and  not  an  eyesore  to  the 
world.  .  .  . 

Democracy  is  the  word  of  the  hour.  A  league  of 
nations  is  on  the  way.  Shall  Germany  freeze  with- 
out, and  in  the  era  of  coming  peace  shall  militarism 
remain  the  root  and  branch  of  German  political  life? 

Maximilian  Harden,  in  the  "Zukunft,"  cited  in  the  "New 
York  Times"  (May  i,  1917).  In  consequence  of  further 
criticisms  of  German  governmental  policy,  the  "Zukunft" 
was  suppressed,  in  July,  1917,  and  Harden  was  drafted 

*See  above,  pp.  79-80,  83-85. 
244 


REACTIONS  AND  PROTESTS 

into  governmental  service  as  a  military  clerk;  see  "New 
York  Times"  (July  12,  1917). 

Germany  an  obstacle  to  freedom 

The  world  has  become  quite  another  place 
through  Russia's  going  over  to  democracy  and  the 
entry  of  the  United  States  into  the  lists  against  us. 
Germany  now  stands  against  an  alliance  of  world 
democracy,  and  the  people  of  the  world  are  per- 
suaded, and  are  daily  becoming  more  convinced, 
that  the  triumph  of  freedom  in  the  world  is  impos- 
sible as  long  as  Germany  remains  what  she  is. 

The  Munich  "Post,"  cited  by  Wm.  E.  Walling  in  the 
New  York  "Tribune"  (May  17,  1917). 


APPENDIX 
"SCRAPS  OF  PAPER" 

I.    TREATIES  BETWEEN  PRUSSIA  AND  THE 
UNITED    STATES 

Treaty  of  1785 

Art.  XII. — If  one  of  the  contracting  parties 
should  be  engaged  in  war  with  any  other  Power, 
the  free  intercourse  and  commerce  of  the  subjects 
or  citizens  of  the  party  remaining  neuter  with  the 
belligerent  Powers  shall  not  be  interrupted.  On 
the  contrary,  in  that  case,  as  in  full  peace,  the  ves- 
sels of  the  neutral  party  may  navigate  freely  to 
and  from  the  ports  and  on  the  coasts  of  the  bel- 
ligerent parties,  free  vessels  making  free  goods,  in- 
somuch that  all  things  shall  be  adjudged  free  which 
shall  be  on  board  any  vessel  belonging  to  the  neu- 
tral party,  although  such  things  belong  to  an  enemy 
of  the  other.  .  .  . 

Treaty  of  1799 

Art.  XIII. — ^And  in  the  same  case  of  one  of  the 
contracting  parties  being  engaged  in  war  with  any 
other  Power,  to  prevent  all  the  difficulties  and  mis- 
understandings that  usually  arise  respecting  mer- 
chandise of  contraband,  such  as  arms,  ammunition, 

247 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

and  military  stores  of  every  kind,  no  such  articles 
carried  in  the  vessels,  or  by  the  subjects  or  citizens 
of  either  part,  to  the  enemies  of  the  other,  shall  be 
deemed  contraband,  so  as  to  induce  confiscation  or 
condemnation  and  a  loss  of  property  to  individuals. 
Nevertheless,  it  shall  be  lawful  to  stop  such  ves- 
sels and  articles,  and  to  detain  them  for  such  length 
of  time  as  the  captors  may  think  necessary  to  pre- 
vent the  inconvenience  or  damage  that  might  ensue 
from  their  proceeding,  paying,  however,  a  reason- 
able compensation  for  the  loss  such  arrest  shall 
occasion  to  the  proprietors;  and  it  shall  further  be 
allowed  to  use  in  the  service  of  the  captors  the 
whole  or  any  part  of  the  military  stores  so  detained, 
paying  the  owners  the  full  value  of  the  same,  to  be 
ascertained  by  the  current  price  at  the  place  of  its 
destination.  But  in  the  case  supposed  of  a  vessel 
stopped  for  articles  of  contraband,  if  the  master  of 
the  vessel  stopped  will  deliver  out  the  goods  sup- 
posed to  be  of  contraband  nature,  he  shall  be  ad- 
mitted to  do  it,  and  the  vessel  shall  not  in  that 
case  be  carried  into  any  port,  nor  further  detained, 
but  shall  be  allowed  to  proceed  on  her  voyage.  .  .  . 

Treaty  of  1828 

Art.  XH. — The  twelfth  article  of  the  treaty  of 
amity  and  commerce,  concluded  between  the  parties 
in  1785,  and  the  articles  from  the  thirteenth  to  the 
twenty-fourth,  inclusive,  of  that  which  was  con- 
cluded at  Berlin  in  1799  •  •  •  ^^^  hereby  revived 
with  the  same  force  and  virtue  as  if  they  made  part 
of  the  context  of  the  present  treaty.  .  .  . 

248 


"SCRAPS  OF  PAPER" 

II.    TREATIES   NEUTRALIZING  BELGIUM 
AND  LUXEMBURG 

Treaty  of  London,  November  15,  1831 

Art.  VII. — Belgium,  within  the  limits  indicated  in 
Articles  I  and  II,  Sec.  4,  will  form  an  independent 
and  perpetually  neutral  State.  It  will  be  required 
to  observe  this  same  neutrality  toward  all  other 
States. 

Art.  XXV. — The  Courts  of  Austria,  France,  Great 
Britain,  Prussia  and  Russia  guarantee  to  his  Majes- 
ty the  King  of  the  Belgians  the  execution  of  all 
the  preceding  articles. 

The  engagements  contained  in  this  treaty  were  renewed 
by  that  of  1839,  which  definitely  established  the  status 
of  Belgium  and  recognized  that  all  the  articles  of  the 
treaty  of  183 1  were  placed  under  the  guaranty  of  the 
five  Powers. 

Treaty  of  London,  May  11,  1867 

Art.  II. — The  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg,  with- 
in the  limits  determined  by  the  act  annexed  to  the 
treaty  of  April  19,  1839,  under  the  guaranty  of  the 
courts  of  France,  Austria,  Great  Britain,  Prussia 
and  Russia,  will  henceforth  form  a  perpetually  neu- 
tral State.  It  will  be  required  to  observe  this  same 
neutrality  toward  all  other  States.  The  high  con- 
tracting parties  bind  themselves  to  respect  the  prin- 
ciple of  neutrality  stipulated  by  the  present  article. 
The  latter  is  and  continues  to  be  placed  under  the 
sanction  of  the  collective  guaranty  of  the  Powers 

249 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

who  are  signatories  to  the  present  treaty,  with  the 
exception  of  Belgium,  which  is  itself  a  neutral 
State. 

III.     CONVENTIONS  RESPECTING  WAR  ON  LAND 


The  Hague  Conventions  of  1899  and  1907  * 

His  Majesty  the  German  Emperor,  King  of  Prus- 
sia (etc.)  : 

Seeing  that,  while  seeking  means  to  preserve 
peace  and  prevent  armed  conflicts  between  nations, 
it  is  likewise  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  case 
where  the  appeal  to  arms  has  been  brought  about 
by  events  which  their  care  was  unable  to  avert; 

Animated  by  the  desire  to  serve,  even  in  this  ex- 
treme case,  the  interests  of  humanity  and  the  ever 
progressive  needs  of  civilization; 

Thinking  it  important,  with  this  object,  to  re- 
vise the  general  laws  and  customs  of  war,  either 
with  a  view  to  defining  them  with  greater  precision 
or  to  confining  them  within  such  limits  as  would 
mitigate  their  severity  as  far  as  possible; 

Have  deemed  it  necessary  to  complete  and  ex- 
plain in  certain  particulars  the  work  of  the  First 
Peace  Conference,  which,  following  on  the  Brussels 
Conference  of  1874,  and  inspired  by  the  ideas  dic- 
tated by  a  wise  and  generous  forethought,  adopted 
provisions  intended  to  define  and  govern  the  usages 
of  war  on  land.  .  .  . 

Art.  I. — The  contracting  Powers  shall  issue  in- 
structions to  their  armed  land  forces,  which  shall 

*  Except  where  otherwise  indicated,  the  text  cited  is  that 
of  1907. 

250 


"SCRAPS  OF  PAPER" 

be  in  conformity  with  the  Regulations  respecting 
the  laws  and  customs  of  war  on  land  annexed  to 
the  present  Convention. 

Art.  hi. — A  belligerent  party  which  violates  the 
provisions  of  the  said  Regulations  shall,  if  the  case 
demands,  be  liable  to  pay  compensation. 

It  shall  be  responsible  for  all  acts  committed  by 
persons  forming  part  of  its  armed  forces. 


Regulations  respecting  the  Laws  and  Customs  of 
War  on  Land 

Art.  I. — The  laws,  rights  and  duties  of  war  apply 
not  only  to  armies,  but  also  to  militia  and  volunteer 
corps,  fulfilling  the  following  conditions : 

1.  To  be  commanded  by  a  person  responsible  for 
his  subordinates; 

2.  To  have  a  fixed  distinctive  emblem  recogniza- 
ble at  a  distance; 

3.  To  carry  arms  openly;  and 

4.  To  conduct  their  operations  in  accordance 
with  the  laws  and  customs  of  war. 

In  countries  where  militia  or  volunteer  corps 
constitute  the  army,  or  form  part  of  it,  they  are 
included  under  the  denomination  "army." 

Art.  2. — The  inhabitants  of  a  territory  which  has 
not  been  occupied,  who,  on  the  approach  of  the 
enemy,  spontaneously  take  up  arms  to  resist  the 
invading  troops  without  having  time  to  organize 
themselves  in  accordance  with  Article  i,  shall  be 
regarded  as  belligerents  if  they  carry  arms  openly 
and  if  they  respect  the  laws  and  customs  of  war. 

Art.  3. — The  armed  forces  of  the  belligerent  par- 

251 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

ties  may  consist  of  combatants  and  non-combatants. 
In  the  case  of  capture  by  the  enemy,  both  have  a 
right  to  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war. 

Art.  4. — Prisoners  of  war  are  in  the  power  of  the 
hostile  Government,  but  not  of  the  individuals  or 
corps  who  capture  them. 

They  must  be  humanely  treated. 

All  their  personal  belongings,  except  arms, 
horses,  and  military  papers,  remain  their  property. 

Art.  7. — The  Government  into  whose  hands  pris- 
oners of  war  have  fallen  is  charged  with  their  main- 
tenance. 

In  the  absence  of  a  special  agreement  between 
the  belligerents,  prisoners  of  war  shall  be  treated 
as  regards  board,  lodging,  and  clothing  on  the  same 
footing  as  the  troops  of  the  Government  who  cap- 
tured them. 

Art.  22. — The  right  of  belligerents  to  adopt  means 
of  injuring  the  enemy  is  not  unlimited. 

Art.  23. — In  addition  to  the  prohibitions  provided 
by  special  Conventions,  it  is  especially  forbidden: 

a.  To  employ  poison  or  poisoned  weapons ; 

c.  To  kill  or  wound  an  enemy  who,  having  laid 
down  his  arms,  or  having  no  longer  means  of  de- 
fense, has  surrendered  at  discretion; 

d.  To  declare  that  no  quarter  will  be  given : 

e.  To  employ  arms,  projectiles,  or  material  cal- 
culated to  cause  unnecessary  suffering; 

/.  To  make  improper  use  of  a  flag  of  truce,  of 
the  national  flag  or  of  the  military  insignia  and 
uniform  of  the  enemy,  as  well  as  the  distinctive 
badges  of  the  Geneva  Convention. 

g.  To  destroy  or  seize  the  enemy's  property,  un- 
252 


'^SCRAPS  OF  PAPER" 

less  such  destruction  or  seizure  be  imperatively  de- 
manded by  the  necessities  of  war. 

h.  A  belligerent  is  likewise  forbidden  to  compel 
the  nationals  of  the  hostile  party  to  take  part  in 
the  operations  of  war  directed  against  their  own 
country,  even  if  they  were  in  the  belligerent's  serv- 
ice before  the  commencement  of  the  war. 

Art.  25. — The  attack  or  bombardment,  by  what- 
ever means,  of  towns,  villages,  dwellings,  or  build- 
ings which  are  undefended  is  prohibited. 

Art.  26. — The  officer  in  command  of  an  attacking 
force  must,  before  commencing  a  bombardment, 
except  in  cases  of  assault,  do  all  in  his  power  to 
warn  the  authorities. 

Art.  2y, — In  sieges  and  bombardments  all  neces- 
sary steps  must  be  taken  to  spare,  as  far  as  possi- 
ble, buildings  dedicated  to  religion,  art,  science,  or 
charitable  purposes,  historic  monuments,  hospitals, 
and  places  where  the  sick  and  wounded  are  col- 
lected, provided  they  are  not  being  used  at  the 
same  time  for  military  purposes.  .  .  . 

Art.  28. — The  pillage  of  a  town  or  place,  even 
when  taken  by  assault,  is  prohibited. 

Art.  44. — Any  compulsion  of  the  population  of 
occupied  territory  to  take  part  in  military  opera- 
tions against  its  own  country  is  prohibited.* 

Art.  45. — It  is  forbidden  to  compel  the  inhab- 
itants of  occupied  territory  to  swear  allegiance  to 
the  hostile  Power. 

Art.  46. — Family  honor  and  rights,  the  lives  of 

*  Text  of  1899.  Germany  refused  to  ratify  a  modified 
text  adopted  in  1907. 

253 


OUT  OF  THEIR  OWN  MOUTHS 

persons,  and  private  property,  as  well  as  religious 
convictions  and  practice,  must  be  respected. 

Private  property  cannot  be  confiscated. 

Art.  47. — Pillage  is  formally  forbidden. 

Art.  50. — No  general  penalty,  pecuniary  or  other- 
wise, shall  be  inflicted  upon  the  population  on  ac- 
count of  the  acts  of  individuals  for  which  they  can- 
not be  regarded  as  jointly  and  severally  responsible. 

Art.  52. — Requisitions  in  kind  and  services  shall 
not  be  demanded  from  municipalities  or  inhabitants 
except  for  the  needs  of  the  army  of  occupation. 
They  shall  be  in  proportion  to  the  resources  of  the 
country,  and  of  such  a  nature  as  not  to  involve  the 
inhabitants  in  the  obligation  of  taking  part  in  mili- 
tary operations  against  their  own  country. 

Such  requisitions  and  services  shall  only  be  de- 
manded on  the  authority  of  the  commander  in  the 
locality  occupied. 

Contributions  in  kind  shall,  as  far  as  possible,  be 
paid  for  in  cash ;  if  not,  a  receipt  shall  be  given  and 
the  payment  of  the  amount  due  shall  be  made  as 
soon  as  possible. 

Art.  53. — An  army  of  occupation  can  only  take 
possession  of  cash,  funds,  and  realizable  securities 
which  are  strictly  the  property  of  the  State,  depots 
of  arms,  means  of  transport,  stores  and  supplies, 
and,  generally,  all  movable  property  belonging  to 
the  State  which  may  be  used  for  military  opera- 
tions. 

Art.  56. — The  property  of  municipalities,  that  of 
institutions  dedicated  to  religion,  charity  and  ed- 
ucation, to  the  arts  and  sciences,  even  when  State 
property,  shall  be  treated  as  private  property. 

254 


"SCRAPS  OF.  PAPER" 

All  seizure  of,  destruction  or  willful  damage  done 
to  institutions  of  this  character,  historical  monu- 
ments, works  of  art  and  science,  is  forbidden,  and 
should  be  made  the  subject  of  legal  proceedings. 


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